The size of Hangzhou’s urban population on the eve of the Taiping Rebellion has long preoccupied scholars of Ming-Qing economic history. Earlier figures, derived from fragmentary and ambiguous Qing sources, are clearly flawed. Fixing the reference year at 1850, this paper adopts a retrospective method: it tracks changes in the numbers of temples and shops from the mid-Qing to c. 1930 and then links the municipal census data collected by the Hangzhou city government after 1927 back to 1850. The result is an estimated urban population of c. 260 000 for Hangzhou in 1850. The retrospective approach may offer a workable way to reconstruct the pre-Taiping urban populations of other Jiangnan cities.

Located on the border of Henan and Anhui provinces and adjacent to the Sha River, Jieshou was a commercial market town engaged mainly in transit trade during the traditional period. By the early Republic of China era, it was already acclaimed as the ‘foremost town in the county’. During the War of Resistance against Japan, Jieshou gathered a large influx of people and goods, and smuggling within its area became especially rampant, earning it the nickname ‘Little Shanghai’. This economic boom prompted adjustments in administrative structures. The three towns of Jieshou gradually separated from their parent county in terms of space and governance, forming a relatively loose union. However, because no formal administrative district was established, the town declined rapidly after the war. In 1947, Jieshou was designated as a city, and multiple measures were adopted to reverse its downturn. After 1949, the focus shifted toward economic reconstruction. Jieshou transformed from a point-like urban administrative unit—a ‘city’—into a regional administrative unit—a ‘county’—that encompassed rural areas, aligning with national policies aimed at building a new pattern of urban-rural development.

Based on the mutual corroboration of unearthed epitaphs, transmitted documents and above-ground relics, this study reconfirms that the administrative seat of Luzhou(鲁州), the first of Liuhu Zhou(六胡州), was located in the old foundation site of Xingwu Forts(兴武营), Yanchi County(盐池县), and the ancient city ruins still exist. At the same time, the scale of the city of Luzhou belongs to a small state town or county seat, and it has the livelihood mode of herding city, and the Pastoral Supervisor in Shuofang(朔方监)may sojourn here to handle government affairs.

Since modern times, the British Empire has conducted long-term illegal surveys and mapping of Xizang in China for the purpose of colonial expansion. Led primarily by the Royal Geographical Society and the Survey of India, these activities were mainly official in nature, supplemented by sporadic support for explorers entering Xizang. Through decades of persistent mapping of parts of Xizang, the British Empire essentially completed a comprehensive survey of the region. The overall outcomes of this mapping are reflected in the Royal Geographical Society’s ‘Tibet and the surrounding regions: compiled from the latest information’ and the Survey of India’s ‘Tibet and adjacent countries’. The ‘Tibet and adjacent countries’ map project represents the most thorough and detailed cartographic effort. The official maps of Xizang produced by the British Empire bear strong imprints of imperial expansion, yet it is these very maps that further attest to the British Empire’s recognition of the territorial integrity of Xizang as part of China during historical periods.

Currently, one township and eight li(administrative subdivisions,里) in Jiangling County during the reign of the Qin Dynasty have been discovered. Among them, the locations of one township and four li are clearly identified, and the affiliation of two li is clearly defined. From the Early Han Dynasty to the Early Reign of Emperor Wu, there were five townships and twelve li in Jiangling County. Among them, the locations of five townships and four li are clearly established, and the affiliation of nine li is clear, with Xixiang(Western Township) being the leading township. The Qin regime implemented name-change measures at the grassroots level in this region, but the implementation was incomplete in the Qin dynasty. The existence of a large number of scattered villages during the reigns of the Chu, Qin, and Han Dynasties indicates that none of the three regimes seemed to have any intention of strengthening grass-roots control by converting scattered villages into concentrated settlements. The economic situation of residents falls into two categories: ‘universal impoverishment’ and ‘wealth disparity but far from reaching general poverty’, and the latter is more common and typical. Through a case study of Jiangling County, we can not only deepen the study of the township system during the Qin and Han Dynasties but also help to develop a long-term investigation of the grassroots systems of the Chu, Qin, and Han Dynasties within a county-level framework.

In the sixth year of Emperor Gaozu of the Han Dynasty, the former Qin Jibei Prefecture(秦济北郡), previously Tian An’s Jibei Kingdom(田安济北国), was divided, establishing Boyang Prefecture and Jibei Prefecture. Based on clay seals such as the ‘Seal of the Neishi of Lü’(吕内史印) and the ‘Seal of the Chief Palace Officer of Lü’(吕大官印) unearthed from the Han-period Luozhuang tomb(洛庄汉墓) in Shandong, as well as the record in The Table of Marquises of Royal Blood in the Book of Han(Hanshu Wangzihoubiao,《汉书·王子侯表》) that the Boyang(博阳) Marquis enfeoffed by Emperor Wu was located within Jinan Prefecture, it is evident that Boyang was situated in present-day Zhangqiu, Shandong. This was not the same location as the ancient Bo County, whose former territory falls within present-day Tai’an. By examining the relevant battles of the Chu-Han Contention, it can be seen that from the late Qin Dynasty to the early Han Dynasty, Jibei Prefecture and Taishan Prefecture(泰山郡) were bounded by the Ji River(济水), making the ‘name’ of Jibei consistent with the ‘reality’ of its geographical situation. Furthermore, Lu Prefecture(鲁郡) was established in the early Han Dynasty, which bordered Boyang Prefecture along the line between Lu and Bo, the border counties of the Qi Kingdom(齐国). The traditional view that Boyang Prefecture bordered Xue Prefecture(薛郡) along the Wen River also requires revision.

During the Republic of China period, the 1: 100 000-scale topographic maps marked urban and rural settlements in a clear hierarchical manner based on population thresholds of 10,000, 1,000, and 500 people. They also established a map symbol labeling system that included ‘true-form’(真形) representations, as well as the symbols ●, ☉, and 〇. This classification standard exhibited a significant discrepancy from actual conditions. Generally, settlements marked with ‘true-form’ can only be regarded as those with an obvious urban nature and a population of over 2,000. Settlements labeled with the symbol 〇 correspond to those with a distinct rural nature and a population of less than 500. The two symbols ● and ☉ should be consolidated, representing settlements with a population of 500 to 2,000 that primarily fall between the urban and rural categories.

There have long been scholarly disputes within academic circles regarding the route and terminal point of the northeastern section of the Great Wall built by King Zhaoxiang of Qin during the Warring States Period. Synthesizing existing theories and combining historical documents, archaeological findings, the approximate location of the northern boundary of Shang Commandery around the 35th year of King Zhaoxiang’s reign, and the construction periods of the ancient Great Wall remains at the Xinjialiang(辛家梁) and Xinminbao(新民堡) sections, this paper infers the distribution route of the northeastern section. It is proposed that this section connected in the southwest to the Sujigou(速机沟) section of the Great Wall in Nuanshui Town(暖水乡), Jungar Banner, Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region. From there, it extends northeastward, passing through the mountains near Xiaoxigou(小西沟) at the source of Geqiugou(圪秋沟) and Hejiagou(贺家沟). Then, it meanders eastward along the watershed of the eastern part of Dongsheng Liang(东胜梁), and finally reaching the west bank of the Nalin River(纳林川), west of the Nalin Ancient City(纳林古城).

The debate over the location of ‘Dabie’ (大别) recorded in Yugong (《禹贡》) has persisted for nearly two millennia, with the most intense disputes emerging during the Qing Dynasty. Two mainstream viewpoints crystallized: the ‘Hanyang’ theory and the ‘Anfeng’ theory. These interpretations first appeared during Han and Tang Dynasties, initially documented in Hanshu Dilizhi (《汉书·地理志》) and Yuanhe Junxian Tuzhi (《元和郡县图志》), respectively. During Han and Jin periods, the ‘Anfeng’ theory was widely accepted. Between Han and Tang Dynasties, doubts raised by scholars such as Du Yu and Li Daoyuan in their commentaries on classical texts gradually led to diverging opinions. By Tang Dynasty, Li Jifu (李吉甫) formally proposed the ‘Hanyang’ theory. Subsequently, during Song and Ming Dynasties, increasing numbers of scholars endorsed the ‘Hanyang’ theory, which gradually supplanted the older ‘Anfeng’ theory. Finally, in Qing Dynasty, different academic schools reignited a fierce debate over the location of ‘Dabie’. In summary, the shifts in the dispute over the location of ‘Dabie’ since medieval times reflect not only differences in the perspectives of writers and their sources of geographical knowledge, but also the interplay and adaptation between geographical records and classical commentaries.

The construction of Japan’s modern East Asian colonial financial sphere was not a short-term economic measure limited to the Pacific War period, but a prolonged colonial process propelled by the continuous expansion of the ‘continental policy’. This financially hegemonic order, established through yen aggression and the enforcement of a yen standard, was dominated by Japanese so-called ‘special banks’ and puppet-regime banks, occupying vast territories both within and outside Japan proper. It was rooted not only in tangible currency systems but also embedded within the intangible clearing network of the ‘Special Yen’ as an international settlement system — exhibiting both institutional domination and spatial variation.

Based on the hierarchical quantification of data concerning breach and flooding disasters in the lower reaches of the Yellow River during the Ming Dynasty, this study constructs a disaster severity sequence and explores its spatio-temporal distribution patterns and evolutionary trends. The distribution of disaster severity levels exhibited overall equilibrium and temporal clustering. Three distinct periods were identified: two low-frequency flooding periods, three high-frequency but low-intensity flooding periods, and three high-frequency, high-intensity flooding periods. Kernel density analysis indicates that breach sites were primarily distributed along the old course of the Yellow River from the Ming and Qing dynasties, with the center of flooding gradually shifting from Henan to Shandong and Nan Zhili (南直隶). A strong correlation was observed between the disaster severity sequence in the lower reaches and the precipitation record of the Yellow River Basin, indicating that rainfall variations within the basin significantly influenced flooding disasters downstream. Furthermore, a long-term discrepancy existed between the precipitation record of the Yellow River Basin and the severity of downstream flooding disasters throughout the Ming Dynasty, suggesting that social factors also played an important role in driving disaster occurrence.

During the Song Dynasty, the spatial forms of the Salt Supervisor (盐监), the Mining Supervisor (矿冶监), and the Coin Minting Supervisor (钱监) exhibited considerable diversity. The root cause lays in their fundamental nature as fiscal offices, which also assumed administrative functions beyond resource development according to temporal and local conditions. The overlap between salt production centers and government seats, as well as the coincidence of mining sites and strategic military towns, were key prerequisites for Salt Supervisors and Mining Supervisors to administer entire counties. Furthermore, the locational relationships among salt-producing areas, mining sites, and government seats influenced both the spatial layout and practical functions of these ‘Jian’ (监). The siting of Coin Minting Supervisors was primarily oriented toward proximity to government seats, reflecting a comprehensive balance of factors such as raw material supply, water resources, and transportation. These arrangements illustrated the flexible strategies adopted by the Song rulers to develop resources and govern society in an economical and efficient manner.

Through a combination of quantitative analysis and historical sources, this study compares the coordinate systems and map contents of the Qianlong Shisanpai Tu and the Kangxi Huangyu Quanlan Tu, using the provinces of Zhili and Shandong as case studies. By further comparing results with previous research on Guangdong and Guangxi, it is found that the Qianlong Shisanpai Tu inherits the Huangyu Quanlan Tu primarily through the preservation of original content and the continued use of latitude and longitude positioning. At the same time, the Qianlong Shisanpai Tu incorporates significant revisions and additions, including the extensive westward expansion of mapped territory and regionally differentiated updates. The revisions and omissions evident in the map reflect a disregard for the mathematical foundations and cartographic standards established in the Huangyu Quanlan Tu.

During the Ming and Qing dynasties, the official residences of provincial education commissioners were generally located in provincial capitals, though there were several exceptions. The Shuntian(顺天) education commissioner once resided in Yizhou, and from the Qianlong reign onward, the post was permanently stationed in the capital rather than Tongzhou(通州). The Shangjiang(上江) commissioner was based in Jurong; the Jiangsu commissioner in Jiangyin; and the Anhui commissioner in Dangtu(当涂)—each reflecting continual adjustments to their respective jurisdictions. The Shaanxi education commissioner resided in Sanyuan County(三原县), a placement linked to the influence of Nian Gengyao. In addition, the Zhejiang commissioner was once located in Jiaxing, the Shandong commissioner in Qingzhou(青州), and the Zhaogao(肇高) commissioner in Zhaoqing—all somewhat unusual cases.The site selection of these education commissioners’ residences was closely tied to the evolution of the education commissioner system, changes in administrative jurisdictions, and the locations of provincial examination halls. It was also affected by occasional factors such as the damage of official buildings, wars and chaos, and even the personal preferences of the governing authorities.

In 2017, the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) adopted the Principles Concerning Rural Landscapes as Heritage, which emphasize the recognition of rural landscapes as a form of heritage. As dynamic and continuously evolving cultural landscapes, rural landscapes are increasingly valued not only for their aesthetic and historical significance but also for their vital role in promoting sustainability. Particular attention is given to the integrated agricultural and ecological values embedded in the sustainable use of natural resources. Grounded in the evaluation criteria for cultural landscapes outlined in the Operational Guidelines for the Implementation of the World Heritage Convention, these principles highlight the global universality and importance of rural landscapes and underscore their critical contribution to sustainable development worldwide. This paper provides a comprehensive review of international theories on rural landscape conservation, traces the evolution of value perceptions, and proposes a six-dimensional framework for understanding rural landscapes as heritage.

The toponym ‘Bolor’ first appeared on European maps no later than the early 14th century, following the publication of Marco Polo’s accounts. However, for centuries thereafter, it was rarely used by European cartographers to denote a specific geographic entity. One early and explicit cartographic representation appears in Bellin’s 1749 map Carte de la Petite Bukharie et Pays Voisins, where ‘Bolor’ marks a mountain knot in Innermost Asia. By the 19th century, ‘Bolor’ was sometimes depicted as a meridional range that merged with Ptolemy’s north-south trending ‘Imaus’. With the advancement of Oriental studies and scientific expeditions, European scholars in the mid-19th century rediscovered ‘Bolor’ and linked it to Chinese classical toponyms such as ‘Po-lu-lo’ and ‘Bo-lü’, identifying its location near Gilgit, south of the Hindu Kush Mountains.

The administrative adjustments made during the ‘Third Front Construction’(三线建设) from the 1960s to the 1980s constitute a significant phase in China’s modern administrative history, laying a substantial foundation for large-scale rural urbanization. To better support the Third Front Construction, the central government established Shiyan City by separating it from Yun County(郧县) in Hubei Province. The formation of Shiyan during this period went through four stages: the unsuccessful proposal for an industrial district, the creation of a provisional non-incorporated administrative area, its establishment as a county-level city, and its eventual elevation to a province-administered city. This case represents an important and special example of administrative realignment after the founding of the People’s Republic of China. The administrative adjustments of Shiyan City(十堰) were driven by the evolving needs of different phases of the Third Front Construction, reflecting the multi-faceted interactions between the Second Automobile Works and local governments. This fully demonstrates the significance of well-timed administrative adjustments for the development of Third Front enterprises and the construction of Third Front cities.

Merchants’ route books, which emerged in large numbers after the 16th century, were compiled centered on merchant activities, significantly differing from the route books to the capital since the Southern Song Dynasty. Such merchants’ route books have been frequently discovered in field surveys over recent decades. The author alone has newly discovered nearly twenty handwritten copies of merchants’ route books from Huizhou, most of which are related to the transportation of tea and salt by Huizhou merchants, with only two involving ceramics transportation. This article focuses on the Yun Ji Jianghu Lucheng (云记《江湖路程》), which was compiled after the 11th year of the Guangxu reign (1885) in the Qing dynasty. The manuscript details seven commercial routes, spanning Jiangxi (江西), Hubei (湖北), and Shaanxi (陕西) provinces, and involving the Changjiang (昌江), Ganjiang (赣江), Yangtze, and Hanjiang (汉江) waterways. Its primary content outlines the transportation routes for ceramics merchants shipping goods from Jingdezhen to Hanzhong (汉中) in Shaanxi, with additional references to the trade of tung oil and raw lacquer. Although this manuscript may have been transcribed by Huizhou merchants, the inclusion of two routes centered around Fengcheng (丰城) suggests that its original prototype was closely related to the pioneering trade activities and commercial networks of Jiangxi merchants during the Ming and Qing dynasties. Similar to previously discovered commercial route guides formed by Huizhou merchants operating in the Qingshui River (清水江) Basin of Guizhou (贵州), this manuscript may reflect the exchange of commercial knowledge among different merchant groups in the Qing Dynasty.

The Gough Map, as the earliest known surviving medieval map to depict the island of Britain in panorama, holds a significant position in the history of cartography. Since the 21st century, Western academic circles have carried out research on it by adopting such technical methods as image scanning and spectral technology, distortion grid and displacement vector analysis based on MapAnalyst, as well as regression analysis. The findings offer three key implications: First, the Gough Map shares more commonalities than differences with ancient Chinese maps, suggesting that these technical methods can be transferred and applied. Second, the study exemplifies the principle of ‘let the map speak for itself’, thoroughly excavating cartographic information to interpret socio-cultural landscapes. Third, it emphasizes the comprehensive application of diverse methodologies, combining material analysis, spatial quantification, and Historical GIS to construct a comprehensive research matrix.

The Đại Man quốc đồ or the Map of the Great Barbarian Kingdom (《大蛮国图》) collected in the atlas of ancient Vietnam namely $\text { Bản đồ Hồng Đúc }$ (《洪德版图》), is a map of Burma drawn by the officials of the Tây SFn Court in the later 18th century. Đại Man quốc đồ was the official designation used by the political elites of northern Vietnam in the late 18th century to refer to the Kongbaung Dynasty of Burma. In response to military challenges from Siam, Burma and Tây SFn sent several missions to each other and tried to establish harmonious diplomatic relations between 1792-1802, and the Đại Man quốc đồ was a historical product of the political interaction between the two countries during this period. Currently, there are three versions of the Đại Man quốc đồ around 1800, namely the lost imperial edition or $\text { ‘ Cựu đồ Cảnh Thịnh’ }$ (景盛旧图, 1798), the $\text { ‘ Tân đồ Cảnh Thịnh’ }$ (景盛新图, 1800), and the untitled edition (1802-1805). As an official map depicting a ‘foreign land’, the Đại Man quốc đồ not only intuitively presents the geographical situation, transportation routes and political situation of Burma from the view of Vietnam, but also reflects the geographical cognition and intelligence collection of the ancient Vietnamese dynasties on the hinterland of the Indochina Peninsula, and concentrated displays the genealogy of geographical knowledge based on the inland perspective of northern Vietnam.

The textual research on the offices’ location related to the ‘inside’ and ‘outside’ of Tang Chong Xiu Nei Shi Sheng Bei (《唐重修内侍省碑》) proves that the restoration project of Chang’an City presided over by the Nei Shi Sheng from the 2nd year of Qianning to the 2nd year of Guanghua (895-899), Its central reference point is not the Daming Palace in the east, but the Taiji Palace in the west. This refurbishment finally presents a relatively regular pattern with Taiji Palace as the center, Chengtianmen-Zhuquemen as the central axis, and related offices wings. This reconstruction pattern is also an objective portrayal of the changes in the political power center in Chang’an City from the Qianning to Guanghua years of Emperor Zhaozong of the Tang Dynasty.

Due to the rise of the Xiongnu, the Dai region in the early Han Dynasty was unable to resist frequent invasions. In response, Emperor Gaozu of Han continually adjusted the enfeoffment arrangements for Dai to address the new challenges. It was not until the 11th year of his reign that Liu Bang detached Yunzhong Commandery from Dai and placed it under direct imperial control, while compensating the King of Dai with Taiyuan Commandery, thereby stabilizing Dai’s governance. The underlying rationale for this administrative adjustment was to reduce the frontier defense burden on the Dai Kingdom, increase resource supply, and establish a strategic depth. However, this also imposed the heavy responsibility of defending Yunzhong on the central court, necessitating preferential policies. The territorial adjustments of the Dai Kingdom in the early Han Dynasty exemplify the spatial strategies adopted by Western Han frontier commanderies and vassal states in dealing with neighboring nomadic peoples, demonstrating a certain degree of typicality.

More than 20 new states were established in Lingnan(岭南) Region in the Liang Dynasty. With the addition of a large number of states, the construction of captaincy district(都督区)became more complicated. In the Eastern Jin, Song and Qi Dynasties period, the military and political pattern in which the Guang state- Captaincy district was permanently established and the Jiao state- Captaincy district was occasionally established was maintained in Lingnan. Since the Tianjian period of Liang Dynasty, the Guang state- Captaincy district, the Heng state- Captaincy district, the Nanding state- Captaincy district, the Gui state- Captaincy district and the Ai state- Captaincy district emerged and coexisted one after another in Lingnan, which showed the development trend of a multi-centered military and political pattern. The adjustment of State and Captaincy district of Lingnan in Liang Dynasty, which reflected the reconstruction of the political geography patterns in Lingnan during the process of the imperial-state strengthening regional control and adjusting the relationship between the central government and local regions.

The Ningman Commandery (宁蛮校尉府) originated from the system of the governors of the ‘Intermediate Zone’ concurrently holding the title of Commandants for Suppressing Man (镇蛮护军) during the Eastern Jin Dynasty. Initially, it was merely a title concurrently held by the commander of Yongzhou (雍州). During the Yuanjia (元嘉) period of the Liu Song Dynasty, a large number of ‘Man’ people (蛮人) in Yongzhou submitted to the court, which prompted the Ningman Commandery to perfect its staff organization, appoint Man chiefs as local rulers, and set up ‘districts and counties’ for management. Consequently, it evolved into a military and political institution with independent administrative functions. The Chief of Staff, Military Advisor, and Registrar of the Ningman Commandery were appointed by the central government. Their primary responsibility was to administer the Man people. The residents of the Man districts, under the leadership of the district chief, would fight alongside the imperial armies. Examining the evolution of the Ningman Commandery can further reveal the interactive relationship between the Southern Dynasties and the human groups in the mountainous areas of southern China.

Based on multiple sources of evidence, including historical documents and hydrological data, this study reconstructs the river network patterns in the upper Tarim River region during four representative periods—the early 1900s, the 1930s, the 1960s, and the 1990s—by comprehensively applying quantitative and statistical methods such as spatial autocorrelation analysis, fractal analysis, and river sinuosity. The evolutionary characteristics of river system morphology and their driving mechanisms are then analyzed. The results indicate that river network density in the study area exhibits significant positive spatial autocorrelation across all four periods, with the degree of spatial clustering increasing overall through time. Meanwhile, the overall fractal dimension of the river network shows a continuous upward trend, reflecting a persistent increase in the complexity of the spatial structure of the river system. Within the basin, the fractal dimensions and sinuosity of the Aksu River, the Kashgarer River, and the Yarkand River increase markedly during the mid-to-late twentieth century, whereas changes in the Hotan River are relatively limited. This pattern reflects differentiated responses of river system morphology among sub-basins to human activities. Further analysis incorporating hydrological and sediment conditions, as well as the historical context of irrigation development and agricultural expansion, demonstrates that human irrigation activities have exerted a direct impact on the morphological evolution of the river system since historical times.

During the Qing Dynasty, the inheritance of existing administrative district names and adherence to traditional naming principles led to numerous instances of duplicate administrative names across various categories as administrative divisions underwent changes. Influenced by factors such as administrative hierarchy, regional connections, types of affairs, and patterns of name duplication, these duplicate names exerted multifaceted impacts on individuals, localities, and national administrative procedure, fostering diverse interactions within society. The Qing court sought to eliminate duplicate county names within provinces through renaming, while adding provincial names to seals of duplicate administrative units to mitigate potential confusion. These measures aimed to maintain administrative stability and reduce costs. However, the combined effect of both approaches paradoxically contributed to the continued growth of duplicate names. This demonstrates the limitations of the court’s ‘limited governance’ model in resolving duplicate administrative names, revealing the complex interplay between place names and the state, society, and institutional frameworks.

The opening of Tianjin port facilitated the export of livestock products from Northwest China. In the Hetao region(河套地区), the traditional trade route connecting the Mongolian Banner to Shanxi evolved into a wool export route serving nomadic areas in modern times. This shift was marked by the rise of Nanhaizi(南海子)in Baotou as a key trade hub, replacing Hekou Town(河口镇)in Tuoketuo(托克托). Amarket network extending from north to east, interwoven with routes for sheepskin rafts and cowhide rafts as well as camel caravan, connected Inner Mongolia with Gansu, Qinghai, Ningxia, Xinjiang and even northern Shaanxi. This network transformed the traditional Silk Road trade pattern, creating a new economic community centered on the production and export of livestock products. The emergence of this economic community redefined the concept and boundaries of the Northwest region, leading to the establishment of the ‘Six Northwestern Provinces’ as a distinct regional designation during the Republic of China. The conceptualization of the ‘Six Northwestern Provinces’ in the Republic of China was based on regional economic integration, and reflected the reconstruction of northern China’s market network in modern times.