The Army Map Service (AMS) was a professional military mapping agency established by the U.S. military during World War II. The 1:250 000 China topographic map is a medium-scale topographic map series compiled by the AMS in the 1950s. This set of maps primarily reflects the geographical situation of China from the end of the Comprehensive Anti-Japanese War to the period just before 1949. The accuracy of the topographic maps is contingent upon whether the U.S. military conducted actual surveys in the area and the quality of the data sources. The data sources primarily consist of American, Japanese, and Chinese maps, as well as aerial photography, making them the most accurate medium-scale topographic maps reflecting modern standards at the time. The versioning and compilation cycles of the topographic maps are tied to the operational needs of the U.S. military, with faster updating and publication speeds for maps near theaters of war. Overall, this map series represents an organic integration of numerous modern cartographic achievements and stands as the most accurate medium-scale topographic map reflecting contemporary surface features. Furthermore, the standardized processing of these maps also offers new opportunities for cross-regional historical geography research.

The delimitation of sea defense zones forms the basis of the spatial deployment of sea defense. During the Ming and Qing dynasties, the military defense area boundaries of the Zhoushan Islands were divided into three main levels: the boundaries of the Wei(卫) and Zhen(镇), the boundaries of the inland and outer seas, and the boundaries of the Suo(所) and Ying(营). The northern boundary of the Wei or Zhen corresponded with the provincial boundary, which was delineated by Chenqian(陈钱)to Bixia(壁下) in Ming Dynasty and by Yang Mountain(羊山) to Maji(马迹) in Qing Dynasty. The southern boundary was marked by Nantian(南田), Jiantiao(健跳), and Niutou Mountain(牛头山) in Ming Dynasty, and by the Tianhou Palace(天后宫) at the southern end of Shipu Town(石浦镇) in Qing Dynasty. The western boundary, which extended far inland during the Ming Dynasty, was divided along the coast of Zhenhai(镇海) and Xiangshan(象山) in Qing Dynasty. The boundaries between the inland and outer seas were indicated by a line that included Wuyu Mountain(五屿山), Liangtou Cave(两头洞), Changtu(长涂), Luojia Mountain(洛泇山), Taohua Mountain(桃花山), Jiancang(尖仓), Jiushan(韭山), and Tantou(檀头). There were distinct boundaries between the five garrisons of the Ming Dynasty and the five green standard armies of the Qing Dynasty. These defense boundaries often crossed district political boundaries but never crossed prefectural or provincial boundaries. The boundaries of the inland and outer seas, as well as those of the garrisons and the Suo and Ying, were determined based on defense tasks and the natural maritime environment.

Following the establishment of Japan’s so-called ‘Special Rights and Interests in Manchuria and Mongolia’ in 1912, Japan began to expand its influence in the northern region of Northeast China, primarily through the construction of railway networks. Prior to the Mukden Incident in 1931, Japan had already fragmented the western hinterland of the Trans-Manchurian Railway by leveraging Chinese railways that had become feeder lines for the South Manchuria Railway, a result of previous Japanese financial assistance to China. After the afore-mentioned incident, Japan constructed the Jilin-Hoeryong Railway to Northern Korean Ports System, which further segmented the hinterlands of the eastern and southern lines of the Trans-Manchurian Railway. The northward expansion of the Japanese-controlled railway system, together with the ensuing competition it triggered with Russia and then the Soviet Union in the northern hinterlands of Northeast China, was a significant factor in the evolution of the economic patterns of the region and the entire Northeast Asia in modern times. This expansion and competition greatly shaped the geography of regional transportation and economy, and to a large extent, altered the developmental trajectory of the political and economic landscape of Northeast Asia.

The road from Yizhou(伊州) to Xizhou(西州) in Tang Dynasty underwent a transformation process from south to north. In the early Tang Dynasty, the water environment of Shaer Lake, situated at the heart of the Hami Basin, was particularly favorable. Consequently, people of the Tang Dynasty incorrectly identified Shaer Lake as either Puchang(蒲昌) Lake or Pulei(蒲类) Lake. There was a Yiwu(伊吾) Road passing through the water area of Shaer Lake in the early Tang Dynasty, which was distinct from the later Chiting(赤亭) Road, also known as the Yixi(伊西) Road, and the Xinka (新开) Road, or Yixi North Road. The Yiwu Road was a segment of Xuanzang??s(玄奘) Journey to the West, and the Jiaohedao(交河道) Army expanded upon it by developing the Liuzhong(柳中) Road. Following the establishment of Xizhou, the Tang Dynasty utilized Gaochang(高昌) City as the military and political hub to oversee Pulei Lake, progressively developing the road from Puchang County to Luohu(罗护) in Xizhou. After 702, when Beiting(北庭) became the military and political center of the eastern Tianshan Mountains, direct military and administrative communications between the central government and Beiting increased in frequency, leading to the development of a postal road from Nazhi(纳职) County to Luohu in Yizhou. The roads from Puchang County to Luohu and from Nazhi County to Luohu were linked, ultimately forming the postal route from Yizhou to Xizhou.

Based on classical documents and unearthed materials such as bamboo slips and sealing clays, this paper investigates the period and jurisdiction of prefectures set up by Qin in the Zhao area east of Taihang Mountain, and traces the evolution of these prefectures. From King Zhaoxiang’s reign to the beginning of King Zheng’s, Qin occupied Hejian area and then made it the fief of Lü Buwei’s downfall. Following Lü Buwei’s death, Qin established Hejian Prefecture. After conquering Zhao, Qin established three additional prefectures: Qinghe, Hengshan, and Handan. These four prefectures persisted until the early Han Dynasty. Qin never set up Julu Prefecture.

The study of historical settlement geography has long neglected the type of settlement space. By adopting the type of settlement space as a research perspective and considering both form and pattern, this study reveals that the Guoyu Village in the Qinhe River Basin experienced three distinct stages: the pioneering period characterized by ‘living in the west and plotting in the east’ from the Hongwu to Wanli period of Ming Dynasty, the extension period marked by ‘three opposing fortresses’ from the Tianqi period of Ming Dynasty to the Yongzheng period of Qing Dynasty, and the filling period of ‘settlement around the fortress’ from the middle and late Qing Dynasty to the Republic of China. The spatial types of Guoyu village exhibit characteristics of diversity and complexity. Stability factors such as natural environment and cultural environment, and sudden factors like policy and warfare played decisive roles in the evolution of Guoyu Village’s settlement spaces. Through a comprehensive analysis of space type, form and pattern as well as the dual application of the spatial model of ‘plane space + three-dimensional space’, this study significantly enriches the research of historical settlement spaces.

In 1602 AD (the thirtieth year of the Wanli era), Tan Jiuchou(谈九畴) surveyed the Jiaolai River and created the original atlas. In 1725 AD (the third year of the Yongzheng era), the atlas was compiled by Zhang Qianyi(张谦宜), along with other miscellaneous discourses on the Jiaolai River, under the title Jiaolai He Bianyi Tushuo Huiji (The Collection of Maps of the Jiaolai River with Explanatory Notes). It can be considered a work of significant importance for researching the water conservancy history and environmental changes of the Jiaolai River. Examining the geographical features and landscapes on the map can help reconstruct the geographical environment of the Jiaolai River Basin during the late Ming Dynasty and provide evidence for studying the development and evolution throughout historical periods. The notes of Wang Xian’s(王献) and Liu Yingjie’s(刘应节)efforts to excavate the Jiaolai River supplement the gaps in historical records, such as the River and Canal Records of The History of Ming Dynasty and The Veritable Records of Ming, enabling a reassessment of the contentious Jiaolai River proposal during the early years of the Wanli era.

The confrontation between the Eastern and Western Wei dynasties, along with the resurgence of the Rouran, established a tripartite political pattern. Driven by military security concerns, the Eastern Wei Dynasty constructed the Sizhou(肆州)Great Wall in the northern and central regions of what is now Xinzhou(忻州), Shanxi. This wall included areas around Luya Mountain(芦芽山), Guancen Mountain(管涔山), Yunzhong Mountain(云中山), and the remnants of Hengshan(恒山). The Sizhou Great Wall’s construction spanned from Tudeng(土隥) in the east to Maling Garrison(马陵戍)in the west, ensuring the smooth flow of transportation along its route, particularly for the restoration of valley roads. This was of decisive significance for the political and military situation during the Northern Dynasties.

This article, based on the translation of The History of Cartography, delves into issues concerning the production and utilization of ancient Chinese maps. It proposes that research on map production should broaden to encompass the technologies applied at various stages of mapmaking, the composition and professional communities of cartographers. Additionally, research on map usage should examine the diverse applications of maps across different social strata and affairs, as well as their prevalence. The analysis indicates that maps played a crucial role in the knowledge production and dissemination in ancient China, a fact that warrants significant attention in future studies. By contrasting with the study of cartographic history during the European Renaissance, this article stresses the importance of future research on ancient Chinese maps to be imaginative, identifying valuable questions and perspectives.

Following the revival of the Grand Canal during the Ming Dynasty, the construction of the Li Canal (里运河) embankment intensified its interaction with the surrounding water environment, playing a significant role in the continuity of the Li Canal’s water flow. This included the impact of the Yellow River on the northern section of the canal at Qingjiangpu (清江浦), as well as the influence of the Huai River’s eastward discharge on the construction of embankments, lake expansion, and water level rise in the central canal region. From the mid-Ming period onwards, the construction of central embankments not only facilitated the integration of the Gaobao lakes (高宝诸湖) but also promoted the overall connectivity of the canal’s water flow. By the end of the Ming Dynasty, the continuous accumulation of Huai River water at the Gaojia Weir (高家堰) raised the water level, increasing the inflow into the Gaobao lakes and further enhancing the flow through the Li Canal. With the proliferation of various sluice gates and dams and the rise in water levels in the north, the water flow throughout the Li Canal became even more unobstructed. In this context, the river mouth sections of Guazhou and Yizheng, which had long required external water diversion for navigation, no longer needed such assistance.

In the early Qing Dynasty, the official strategy for managing the Yellow and Huai River floods largely adhered to the Ming Dynasty’s water management philosophy, prioritizing ‘restraint’ over ‘dredging’. During Emperor Kangxi’s reign, the policy of ‘opening the sea outlets’ was effectively implemented with imperial intervention, fundamentally aimed at achieving ‘diversion to the sea’ by deepening the drainage channels and expanding the sea outlets along the coastal counties of the Xiahe Area. As the water conditions of the Yellow River, Huai River, the Grand Canal, and Hongze Lake evolved, the deepening of river channels alone could no longer effectively direct waters from the central lowlands to the coastal accumulation zones, resulting in frequent overflows and disasters. Therefore, during Emperor Qianlong’s reign, embankments were constructed along the sides of the returning-to-sea rivers to confine the waters. Concurrently, the construction of polder fields began, linking with river embankments to establish a polder system in the coastal counties of the Xiahe Area. Influenced by the eastward flow of water and the impact of the ocean, the water environment and the construction of embankments in these coastal counties exhibited characteristics of complex and dynamic changes.

The opening of treaty ports profoundly influences local transportation, commerce, and social change. While existing research often concentrates on ports with significant modernization achievements, there is a dearth of studies exploring the constraints faced by ‘unsatisfactory’ ports in their challenging modernization processes. Longzhou (龙州), located in Guangxi Province and adjacent to northern Vietnam, is situated in a rugged mountainous area at the upper reaches of the Zuojiang (左江), characterized by its treacherous waters and numerous shoals. This study examines the opening of Longzhou and the evolution of transportation geography along the Guangxi-Vietnam border. By analyzing the development of railway, waterway, and highway construction plans and the changes in their leadership, it concludes that geographical positioning was both the catalyst for Longzhou’s opening at certain historical moments and a fundamental, long-term obstacle to improving transportation infrastructure. As a result, Longzhou repeatedly encountered setbacks in trade route competition, reflecting the substantial historical inertia of the natural geographical environment and the intricate power struggles among various forces in the Guangxi-Vietnam border region under fluctuating political circumstances.

After summarizing data and events relating to the figure of the Jesuit Michele Ruggieri (1543-1607), a pioneer of the period of encounter between East and West in the Modern Age, and his project, which remained at the manuscript stage, to publish the first Western atlas of China. The article analyses in detail, on the basis of the materials that now exist at the State Archives in Rome, the missionary’s working methodology, based on Chinese cartographic sources, their enlargement and transliteration of the toponyms contained therein, and cartographic tracing. Following these operations, a further phase would have seen a professional cartographer succeed Ruggieri in the processing of the maps, which, thus finished, would finally be passed on to the engraver for the copperplate engraving (the latter phase was never completed due to Ruggieri’s death). Further topics addressed are an estimate of Ruggieri’s materials connected to the atlas that were originally intended to be present among the working materials, but which are now destroyed or missing, some epistemological reflections on the nature of the cartography of the atlas, and, finally, some notes on what graphic layout and impact Ruggieri’s atlas would have had if published.

The Western Jin Dynasty’s prefectures and counties as recorded in Du Yu’s (杜预) Chunqiu Shili (《春秋释例》) and Chunqiu Jingzhuan Jijie (《春秋经传集解》) predominantly reflect the administrative divisions established at the outset of the Taishi (泰始) era. The incorporations in the provinces of Jingzhou (荆州), Yangzhou (扬州), and Xuzhou (徐州) partially include those from the Taikang (太康) era. By analyzing Du Yu’s interpretations of geographical locations, we can further investigate and supplement the historical evolution of the Western Jin Dynasty’s prefectures and counties. Connecting Du Yu’s geographical insights with the history of the Western Jin’s feudal system, it is inferred that the reassignment of Dongchaoyang (东朝阳) to Le’anguo (乐安国) and Xiaquyang (下曲阳) to Zhaoguo (赵国) occurred in the third year of the Xian Ning (咸宁) era, and that in the first year of Taikang, the establishment was of Linhuaijun (临淮郡), not Linhuaiguo (临淮国). Du Yu’s approach to explicating ancient place names within county jurisdictions reveals that Xuxian (徐县) was indeed abolished at the beginning of Taishi. During the Spring and Autumn Period, Loulin (娄林) was located east of the Xuguo’s (徐国) capital, dispelling previous misconceptions that placed it in the northwest. Following Du Yu’s methodical exposition of rivers and their paths through various jurisdictions, we can deduce the administrative evolution of counties such as Nandun (南顿), Ruo (鄀), Gaotang (高唐), and Chiping (茌平).

This study combines the findings of previous research with the records from the ‘Tong Wen Zi Fang’ (同文字方) No. 8-455 of the Liye Qin Slips. The ‘Taishou’(太守) in the ‘Jimo Taishou’ (即墨太守) sealing clay is written as ‘Dashou’ (大守), indicating that it dates before the implementation of the ‘Shu Tong Wen Zi’ (书同文字) policy. This suggests that the establishment of Jimo Jun (即墨郡) likely occurred after the Qin Dynasty conquered the State of Qi and before the ‘Shu Tong Wen Zi’ policy was implemented. Furthermore, records from Liye No. 8-657 indicate that Jimo Jun existed for a very short period and may have been merged into Langya Jun (琅邪郡) when Emperor Qin Shi Huang reorganized the state into thirty-six jun. This explains why Jimo Jun was not mentioned by scholars when discussing the thirty-six jun of the Qin Dynasty and the subsequent forty-eight jun.

The site of Chengdu during the Qin to the Northern and Southern dynasties was located on the second terrace of the Min River (岷江) system. The scarcity of construction soil and the floods of the Pi River (郫江) were the main reasons for the formation of the ‘Tortoise City’ layout of Chengdu’s Qin city, which consisted of two cities, the larger and the smaller, arranged side by side to the east and west. The orientation of the Qin city and its internal structures followed the natural terrain, with a deliberate inclination of about 30 degrees north-east to facilitate drainage and flood control. By combining archaeological and documentary evidence, the approximate positions of the gates, walls, and central partitions of Chengdu’s Qin city can be reconstructed. The western wall of Chengdu’s Qin city was a considerable distance from the Pi River, while the southern wall was closer. The historical records mentioning 18 gates and a circumference of twelve li are considered accurate.

The transformation of Zhapu (乍浦), a town in Jiaxing, Zhejiang Province, into a prominent foreign trade port in the northern part of Hangzhou Bay during the mid-to-late 18th century was not a mere accident. It was the result of a combination of factors, including its geographical location, transportation network, and policy orientation. The ‘trade network’ discussed in this article focuses on the circulation of goods within and between regions, covering various aspects such as regional transportation, market systems, and merchant groups. The merchants trading at Zhapu built a flexible and diverse trade network based on the procurement of foreign copper and the vast maritime area. Zhapu Port’s trade network symbolizes the East Asian economic order, embodying an integrated network that merges ‘tributary trade’ with ‘market system’.