传统观点以为,汉初豫章郡属淮南国,在今赣南。仔细梳理西汉文献所记汉初史事,豫章郡应属吴国,在今皖南。豫章郡因治于故鄣县,又名“故鄣郡”。魏晋时期,讹“故鄣郡”为“鄣郡”。汉初豫章郡先后属楚王韩信、荆王刘贾、吴王刘濞。《史记》所记淮南王英布、长沙王吴芮领有豫章郡乃“虚封”。景帝三年,汉廷将豫章郡一分为二,北部并入江都国;南部与庐江郡合并,改称“庐江豫章郡”。传世汉代封泥“庐江豫守”,即“庐江豫章郡守”,而非以往认为的庐江国豫章郡守。景、武之际,江淮之间另立庐江郡,汉廷更庐江豫章郡为豫章郡。元封二年,武帝从豫章郡中分置丹阳郡,豫章郡从此仅辖赣江流域,遂有《汉书·地理志》之规模。

The Army Map Service (AMS) was a professional military mapping agency established by the U.S. military during World War II. The 1:250 000 China topographic map is a medium-scale topographic map series compiled by the AMS in the 1950s. This set of maps primarily reflects the geographical situation of China from the end of the Comprehensive Anti-Japanese War to the period just before 1949. The accuracy of the topographic maps is contingent upon whether the U.S. military conducted actual surveys in the area and the quality of the data sources. The data sources primarily consist of American, Japanese, and Chinese maps, as well as aerial photography, making them the most accurate medium-scale topographic maps reflecting modern standards at the time. The versioning and compilation cycles of the topographic maps are tied to the operational needs of the U.S. military, with faster updating and publication speeds for maps near theaters of war. Overall, this map series represents an organic integration of numerous modern cartographic achievements and stands as the most accurate medium-scale topographic map reflecting contemporary surface features. Furthermore, the standardized processing of these maps also offers new opportunities for cross-regional historical geography research.

《汉书·地理志》记录了百余条水道里程,这些里程数字是实际测量的结果,统计精确度较高。受测量条件限制,汉代测量水道里程需要依托航道、堤岸、河谷等交通道路进行,《汉志》中记录的里程数字是水道作为交通通道的河段里程,并不是水道完整的流程。利用《汉志》水道里程的统计结果,可以构建出汉代以江、河、淮、郁等大河为主干彼此连通、延展的水道交通网络。通过定量研究,可揭示汉代水道交通能力南方优于北方的基本特征,以及河水水系、淮济水系、江水水系、郁水水系不同的水道交通模式。

The delimitation of sea defense zones forms the basis of the spatial deployment of sea defense. During the Ming and Qing dynasties, the military defense area boundaries of the Zhoushan Islands were divided into three main levels: the boundaries of the Wei(卫) and Zhen(镇), the boundaries of the inland and outer seas, and the boundaries of the Suo(所) and Ying(营). The northern boundary of the Wei or Zhen corresponded with the provincial boundary, which was delineated by Chenqian(陈钱)to Bixia(壁下) in Ming Dynasty and by Yang Mountain(羊山) to Maji(马迹) in Qing Dynasty. The southern boundary was marked by Nantian(南田), Jiantiao(健跳), and Niutou Mountain(牛头山) in Ming Dynasty, and by the Tianhou Palace(天后宫) at the southern end of Shipu Town(石浦镇) in Qing Dynasty. The western boundary, which extended far inland during the Ming Dynasty, was divided along the coast of Zhenhai(镇海) and Xiangshan(象山) in Qing Dynasty. The boundaries between the inland and outer seas were indicated by a line that included Wuyu Mountain(五屿山), Liangtou Cave(两头洞), Changtu(长涂), Luojia Mountain(洛泇山), Taohua Mountain(桃花山), Jiancang(尖仓), Jiushan(韭山), and Tantou(檀头). There were distinct boundaries between the five garrisons of the Ming Dynasty and the five green standard armies of the Qing Dynasty. These defense boundaries often crossed district political boundaries but never crossed prefectural or provincial boundaries. The boundaries of the inland and outer seas, as well as those of the garrisons and the Suo and Ying, were determined based on defense tasks and the natural maritime environment.

Following the establishment of Japan’s so-called ‘Special Rights and Interests in Manchuria and Mongolia’ in 1912, Japan began to expand its influence in the northern region of Northeast China, primarily through the construction of railway networks. Prior to the Mukden Incident in 1931, Japan had already fragmented the western hinterland of the Trans-Manchurian Railway by leveraging Chinese railways that had become feeder lines for the South Manchuria Railway, a result of previous Japanese financial assistance to China. After the afore-mentioned incident, Japan constructed the Jilin-Hoeryong Railway to Northern Korean Ports System, which further segmented the hinterlands of the eastern and southern lines of the Trans-Manchurian Railway. The northward expansion of the Japanese-controlled railway system, together with the ensuing competition it triggered with Russia and then the Soviet Union in the northern hinterlands of Northeast China, was a significant factor in the evolution of the economic patterns of the region and the entire Northeast Asia in modern times. This expansion and competition greatly shaped the geography of regional transportation and economy, and to a large extent, altered the developmental trajectory of the political and economic landscape of Northeast Asia.

《敬止录》收一摹写本宋代城市水域地图,名《庆元府城内大小二湖丈尺图》。南宋嘉定十三年八月,庆元府城(属今浙江宁波)南部遭遇严重火灾,日、月二湖虽为城市水库,湖域却因沿岸大族宅邸的占据而日益缩小,知府俞建于火灾次年组织绘制该图,目的在于界定城市水域,以保障居民生活与防火用水。地图详绘了嘉定间庆元府籍朝廷政要聚居的二湖及其周边街区,展现了湖域在四明大族庄园扩张的背景下再度萎缩的景象。该图与《宝庆四明志》所附《罗城》图同为描绘火灾后庆元府城景象的地图,极具史料价值。

The road from Yizhou(伊州) to Xizhou(西州) in Tang Dynasty underwent a transformation process from south to north. In the early Tang Dynasty, the water environment of Shaer Lake, situated at the heart of the Hami Basin, was particularly favorable. Consequently, people of the Tang Dynasty incorrectly identified Shaer Lake as either Puchang(蒲昌) Lake or Pulei(蒲类) Lake. There was a Yiwu(伊吾) Road passing through the water area of Shaer Lake in the early Tang Dynasty, which was distinct from the later Chiting(赤亭) Road, also known as the Yixi(伊西) Road, and the Xinka (新开) Road, or Yixi North Road. The Yiwu Road was a segment of Xuanzang??s(玄奘) Journey to the West, and the Jiaohedao(交河道) Army expanded upon it by developing the Liuzhong(柳中) Road. Following the establishment of Xizhou, the Tang Dynasty utilized Gaochang(高昌) City as the military and political hub to oversee Pulei Lake, progressively developing the road from Puchang County to Luohu(罗护) in Xizhou. After 702, when Beiting(北庭) became the military and political center of the eastern Tianshan Mountains, direct military and administrative communications between the central government and Beiting increased in frequency, leading to the development of a postal road from Nazhi(纳职) County to Luohu in Yizhou. The roads from Puchang County to Luohu and from Nazhi County to Luohu were linked, ultimately forming the postal route from Yizhou to Xizhou.

民国时期,北洋政府及国民政府曾在全国范围组织测绘大比例尺地形图。对数千幅民国地图扫描归档、空间配准并与今天电子地图叠加实现古今对照,虽然繁重但意义重大。基于OpenCV与ArcPy方法库,发展一套针对民国地形图集的自动配准方法,保证精度的同时极大减少了人工,《汉珍数位地图集》配准的过程可资验证。最后,以《中国大陆五万分之一地图集成》为案例进行地图覆盖范围比较分析,以支撑其史料价值发挥与后续研究。

Based on classical documents and unearthed materials such as bamboo slips and sealing clays, this paper investigates the period and jurisdiction of prefectures set up by Qin in the Zhao area east of Taihang Mountain, and traces the evolution of these prefectures. From King Zhaoxiang’s reign to the beginning of King Zheng’s, Qin occupied Hejian area and then made it the fief of Lü Buwei’s downfall. Following Lü Buwei’s death, Qin established Hejian Prefecture. After conquering Zhao, Qin established three additional prefectures: Qinghe, Hengshan, and Handan. These four prefectures persisted until the early Han Dynasty. Qin never set up Julu Prefecture.

道路里程是考证地望和衡量交通运输成本的重要参数。清廷在驿传制度实践中遵循“按程立限”和“以里核销”准则,道路里程作用凸显,清会典、程限册等官方文献和水陆行程书、行程日记等私人著述对其多有记载。对清代西北地区道路里程细致考察,发现存在“大里”“小里”“官里”“民里”等多种形态,里程记载文本差异显著。道路里程文本差异的成因相当复杂,既有不同地貌条件下的地形因素,也有官府与民间的主体因素,还存在内地与边疆的区域因素。正确理解清代道路里程的实际内涵,对于深化历史交通地理和交通史研究意义重大。

民国时期,日本制印的陕西省地形图现存9套,共计458幅。其中,3套翻印图和2套编绘图主要基于民国政府制陕西省的《十万分一图》和《五万分一图》复制或改绘而成。这些图包含了中、日两种形式的纪年。每幅《民国图缩制(陕西省十万分一图)》由2—4幅民国政府制《五万分一图》等比例缩制。与现存民国政府制及日本翻印的十万分之一地形图相比,这套图地形要素更丰富、精准。其余4套测绘图仅标注日本纪年,其地形要素源于日军航摄。厘清日制陕西省地形图的信息来源,可作为近代军事地形图的文献来源及资料特征的案例参考。

The study of historical settlement geography has long neglected the type of settlement space. By adopting the type of settlement space as a research perspective and considering both form and pattern, this study reveals that the Guoyu Village in the Qinhe River Basin experienced three distinct stages: the pioneering period characterized by ‘living in the west and plotting in the east’ from the Hongwu to Wanli period of Ming Dynasty, the extension period marked by ‘three opposing fortresses’ from the Tianqi period of Ming Dynasty to the Yongzheng period of Qing Dynasty, and the filling period of ‘settlement around the fortress’ from the middle and late Qing Dynasty to the Republic of China. The spatial types of Guoyu village exhibit characteristics of diversity and complexity. Stability factors such as natural environment and cultural environment, and sudden factors like policy and warfare played decisive roles in the evolution of Guoyu Village’s settlement spaces. Through a comprehensive analysis of space type, form and pattern as well as the dual application of the spatial model of ‘plane space + three-dimensional space’, this study significantly enriches the research of historical settlement spaces.

In 1602 AD (the thirtieth year of the Wanli era), Tan Jiuchou(谈九畴) surveyed the Jiaolai River and created the original atlas. In 1725 AD (the third year of the Yongzheng era), the atlas was compiled by Zhang Qianyi(张谦宜), along with other miscellaneous discourses on the Jiaolai River, under the title Jiaolai He Bianyi Tushuo Huiji (The Collection of Maps of the Jiaolai River with Explanatory Notes). It can be considered a work of significant importance for researching the water conservancy history and environmental changes of the Jiaolai River. Examining the geographical features and landscapes on the map can help reconstruct the geographical environment of the Jiaolai River Basin during the late Ming Dynasty and provide evidence for studying the development and evolution throughout historical periods. The notes of Wang Xian’s(王献) and Liu Yingjie’s(刘应节)efforts to excavate the Jiaolai River supplement the gaps in historical records, such as the River and Canal Records of The History of Ming Dynasty and The Veritable Records of Ming, enabling a reassessment of the contentious Jiaolai River proposal during the early years of the Wanli era.

明代后期淮河由独流入海改为分泄归江,因《孟子》中有“排淮注江”与水文情境暗合,被援引为泄淮注江的理论依据。清代前期,河臣以禹王河比附《孟子》,构建新的泄淮入江通道,引发士人对治水、经典与地理的思辨。清代中期,淮扬水患频发,孙星衍、焦循借地理考据,构建江、淮上游相通之说,表达泄淮入江、缓解地方水患的主张。清代后期,诸儒围绕焦循等人的观点展开地理辨析,否认江、淮上游相通,确认江、淮与运河一体的认知。明清《孟子》“排淮注江”研究与治水紧密关联,以重构江淮关系为中心的实践与探索为传统经学注入地理考辨与经世致用思维,使原本围绕经文的简单判读转变为对江、淮沟通路线与地理空间的考证与阐释,将“排淮注江”推向地理专题研究层面。

The confrontation between the Eastern and Western Wei dynasties, along with the resurgence of the Rouran, established a tripartite political pattern. Driven by military security concerns, the Eastern Wei Dynasty constructed the Sizhou(肆州)Great Wall in the northern and central regions of what is now Xinzhou(忻州), Shanxi. This wall included areas around Luya Mountain(芦芽山), Guancen Mountain(管涔山), Yunzhong Mountain(云中山), and the remnants of Hengshan(恒山). The Sizhou Great Wall’s construction spanned from Tudeng(土隥) in the east to Maling Garrison(马陵戍)in the west, ensuring the smooth flow of transportation along its route, particularly for the restoration of valley roads. This was of decisive significance for the political and military situation during the Northern Dynasties.

平河水是隋开皇年间在北部边疆胜州人工开挖的漕渠,隋唐时用以连通粮仓,转运边军军需补给。随着河曲地区军事防御格局调整与军需补给运输线变化,平河水的具体功能也存在阶段性差异。隋时黄河右岸设屯仓,并利用平河水转运屯仓中粮草至左岸诸镇戍。唐开元中,胜州平河水作为河曲地区军需补给运输线的重要一环,被用以将自河东陆运而来的粮草转运至右岸的中转粮仓。安史之乱后,因为补给运输线的调整,平河水被弃用,渐趋淤废。

2010年磁县出土《窦奉高墓志》,为东魏北齐邯郸县设治提供证据,证明《隋书·地理志》《元和郡县图志》《太平寰宇记》“邯郸县”“临洺县”条记载有漏讹。以东魏北齐邯郸县设治为起点,综合三志记载,参考《魏书》《北齐书》相关记述,东魏至隋初邯郸、陟乡、易阳、临洺各县废置情形须重新解释。

近千年来,太原城洪涝灾害变迁呈现出“三期三型”,即漫溢型、山洪型、内涝型的时空格局。城市工程建设是影响洪涝灾害时空突变的主导因素,气候与植被变迁也对灾害频次渐变有所影响。记录太原城洪涝灾害的历史文献具有空间代表性,从历史城市地理视角出发,模拟洪涝灾害空间发生过程,综合城市考古研究结论,探究中尺度、长时段古代城市洪涝灾害的规律及成因,可以为当代城市洪涝问题提供历史参考。

This article, based on the translation of The History of Cartography, delves into issues concerning the production and utilization of ancient Chinese maps. It proposes that research on map production should broaden to encompass the technologies applied at various stages of mapmaking, the composition and professional communities of cartographers. Additionally, research on map usage should examine the diverse applications of maps across different social strata and affairs, as well as their prevalence. The analysis indicates that maps played a crucial role in the knowledge production and dissemination in ancient China, a fact that warrants significant attention in future studies. By contrasting with the study of cartographic history during the European Renaissance, this article stresses the importance of future research on ancient Chinese maps to be imaginative, identifying valuable questions and perspectives.

The opening of treaty ports profoundly influences local transportation, commerce, and social change. While existing research often concentrates on ports with significant modernization achievements, there is a dearth of studies exploring the constraints faced by ‘unsatisfactory’ ports in their challenging modernization processes. Longzhou (龙州), located in Guangxi Province and adjacent to northern Vietnam, is situated in a rugged mountainous area at the upper reaches of the Zuojiang (左江), characterized by its treacherous waters and numerous shoals. This study examines the opening of Longzhou and the evolution of transportation geography along the Guangxi-Vietnam border. By analyzing the development of railway, waterway, and highway construction plans and the changes in their leadership, it concludes that geographical positioning was both the catalyst for Longzhou’s opening at certain historical moments and a fundamental, long-term obstacle to improving transportation infrastructure. As a result, Longzhou repeatedly encountered setbacks in trade route competition, reflecting the substantial historical inertia of the natural geographical environment and the intricate power struggles among various forces in the Guangxi-Vietnam border region under fluctuating political circumstances.

Following the revival of the Grand Canal during the Ming Dynasty, the construction of the Li Canal (里运河) embankment intensified its interaction with the surrounding water environment, playing a significant role in the continuity of the Li Canal’s water flow. This included the impact of the Yellow River on the northern section of the canal at Qingjiangpu (清江浦), as well as the influence of the Huai River’s eastward discharge on the construction of embankments, lake expansion, and water level rise in the central canal region. From the mid-Ming period onwards, the construction of central embankments not only facilitated the integration of the Gaobao lakes (高宝诸湖) but also promoted the overall connectivity of the canal’s water flow. By the end of the Ming Dynasty, the continuous accumulation of Huai River water at the Gaojia Weir (高家堰) raised the water level, increasing the inflow into the Gaobao lakes and further enhancing the flow through the Li Canal. With the proliferation of various sluice gates and dams and the rise in water levels in the north, the water flow throughout the Li Canal became even more unobstructed. In this context, the river mouth sections of Guazhou and Yizheng, which had long required external water diversion for navigation, no longer needed such assistance.

In the early Qing Dynasty, the official strategy for managing the Yellow and Huai River floods largely adhered to the Ming Dynasty’s water management philosophy, prioritizing ‘restraint’ over ‘dredging’. During Emperor Kangxi’s reign, the policy of ‘opening the sea outlets’ was effectively implemented with imperial intervention, fundamentally aimed at achieving ‘diversion to the sea’ by deepening the drainage channels and expanding the sea outlets along the coastal counties of the Xiahe Area. As the water conditions of the Yellow River, Huai River, the Grand Canal, and Hongze Lake evolved, the deepening of river channels alone could no longer effectively direct waters from the central lowlands to the coastal accumulation zones, resulting in frequent overflows and disasters. Therefore, during Emperor Qianlong’s reign, embankments were constructed along the sides of the returning-to-sea rivers to confine the waters. Concurrently, the construction of polder fields began, linking with river embankments to establish a polder system in the coastal counties of the Xiahe Area. Influenced by the eastward flow of water and the impact of the ocean, the water environment and the construction of embankments in these coastal counties exhibited characteristics of complex and dynamic changes.

After summarizing data and events relating to the figure of the Jesuit Michele Ruggieri (1543-1607), a pioneer of the period of encounter between East and West in the Modern Age, and his project, which remained at the manuscript stage, to publish the first Western atlas of China. The article analyses in detail, on the basis of the materials that now exist at the State Archives in Rome, the missionary’s working methodology, based on Chinese cartographic sources, their enlargement and transliteration of the toponyms contained therein, and cartographic tracing. Following these operations, a further phase would have seen a professional cartographer succeed Ruggieri in the processing of the maps, which, thus finished, would finally be passed on to the engraver for the copperplate engraving (the latter phase was never completed due to Ruggieri’s death). Further topics addressed are an estimate of Ruggieri’s materials connected to the atlas that were originally intended to be present among the working materials, but which are now destroyed or missing, some epistemological reflections on the nature of the cartography of the atlas, and, finally, some notes on what graphic layout and impact Ruggieri’s atlas would have had if published.

The Western Jin Dynasty’s prefectures and counties as recorded in Du Yu’s (杜预) Chunqiu Shili (《春秋释例》) and Chunqiu Jingzhuan Jijie (《春秋经传集解》) predominantly reflect the administrative divisions established at the outset of the Taishi (泰始) era. The incorporations in the provinces of Jingzhou (荆州), Yangzhou (扬州), and Xuzhou (徐州) partially include those from the Taikang (太康) era. By analyzing Du Yu’s interpretations of geographical locations, we can further investigate and supplement the historical evolution of the Western Jin Dynasty’s prefectures and counties. Connecting Du Yu’s geographical insights with the history of the Western Jin’s feudal system, it is inferred that the reassignment of Dongchaoyang (东朝阳) to Le’anguo (乐安国) and Xiaquyang (下曲阳) to Zhaoguo (赵国) occurred in the third year of the Xian Ning (咸宁) era, and that in the first year of Taikang, the establishment was of Linhuaijun (临淮郡), not Linhuaiguo (临淮国). Du Yu’s approach to explicating ancient place names within county jurisdictions reveals that Xuxian (徐县) was indeed abolished at the beginning of Taishi. During the Spring and Autumn Period, Loulin (娄林) was located east of the Xuguo’s (徐国) capital, dispelling previous misconceptions that placed it in the northwest. Following Du Yu’s methodical exposition of rivers and their paths through various jurisdictions, we can deduce the administrative evolution of counties such as Nandun (南顿), Ruo (鄀), Gaotang (高唐), and Chiping (茌平).

This study combines the findings of previous research with the records from the ‘Tong Wen Zi Fang’ (同文字方) No. 8-455 of the Liye Qin Slips. The ‘Taishou’(太守) in the ‘Jimo Taishou’ (即墨太守) sealing clay is written as ‘Dashou’ (大守), indicating that it dates before the implementation of the ‘Shu Tong Wen Zi’ (书同文字) policy. This suggests that the establishment of Jimo Jun (即墨郡) likely occurred after the Qin Dynasty conquered the State of Qi and before the ‘Shu Tong Wen Zi’ policy was implemented. Furthermore, records from Liye No. 8-657 indicate that Jimo Jun existed for a very short period and may have been merged into Langya Jun (琅邪郡) when Emperor Qin Shi Huang reorganized the state into thirty-six jun. This explains why Jimo Jun was not mentioned by scholars when discussing the thirty-six jun of the Qin Dynasty and the subsequent forty-eight jun.

The site of Chengdu during the Qin to the Northern and Southern dynasties was located on the second terrace of the Min River (岷江) system. The scarcity of construction soil and the floods of the Pi River (郫江) were the main reasons for the formation of the ‘Tortoise City’ layout of Chengdu’s Qin city, which consisted of two cities, the larger and the smaller, arranged side by side to the east and west. The orientation of the Qin city and its internal structures followed the natural terrain, with a deliberate inclination of about 30 degrees north-east to facilitate drainage and flood control. By combining archaeological and documentary evidence, the approximate positions of the gates, walls, and central partitions of Chengdu’s Qin city can be reconstructed. The western wall of Chengdu’s Qin city was a considerable distance from the Pi River, while the southern wall was closer. The historical records mentioning 18 gates and a circumference of twelve li are considered accurate.

The transformation of Zhapu (乍浦), a town in Jiaxing, Zhejiang Province, into a prominent foreign trade port in the northern part of Hangzhou Bay during the mid-to-late 18th century was not a mere accident. It was the result of a combination of factors, including its geographical location, transportation network, and policy orientation. The ‘trade network’ discussed in this article focuses on the circulation of goods within and between regions, covering various aspects such as regional transportation, market systems, and merchant groups. The merchants trading at Zhapu built a flexible and diverse trade network based on the procurement of foreign copper and the vast maritime area. Zhapu Port’s trade network symbolizes the East Asian economic order, embodying an integrated network that merges ‘tributary trade’ with ‘market system’.