The flow direction of the mainstream shifted from southwards to northwards in the Chang-Xi-Cheng District, northwest of the Taihu Lake Basin, from pre-Han Dynasty to today. The turning point was approximately between the Tang and Song Dynasties. This was driven by the long-term external factors such as the advance and retreat of coastlines, the variation of tidal power and the water storage and drainage situations in the Taihu Lake Basin over historical periods. Influenced by the variation of mainstream flow directions, the reclamation process of Furong Lake can be divided into three stages. Before the Tang Dynasty, the reclamation attempts in the Furong Lake Area were mainly conducted in the east of Wuxi and the south of the primitive Grand Canal in Wuxi section to adapt to southward characteristics of the mainstream flow in this time. Such projects changed the original form of the south edge of the Furong lake, and shaped the boundary-con-bank between the Furong lake, primitive canal and Taihu Lake. In mid-Tang Dynasty, the south edge of the the Furong Lake retreated by nine li (traditional Chinese length units, one li equals 500 meters approximately) north of the Wuxi section of the Grand Canal. The overall hydrological pattern in the Song Dynasty made it hard for the long-lasting success of reclamations of the Furong lake. All the attempts in this time such as the dredging of river channels and the construction of weir and gate system were soon proved unsustainable. The variation of hydrological patterns in not only the Chang-Xi-Cheng District but also the entire Taihu Lake Basin since the Yuan and Ming Dynasties was the fundamental factor for the complete and final reclamation success of the Furong lake. The dynamic variation of water flows was not only affected the reclamation process of the Furong Lake, but also recorded in the writings of relevant historical material.

In Ming Dynasty, the ranking system of the administrative division of prefectures and counties were initially accorded to the amount of taxes and levied grain, hence the different grades of officials. In the fourteenth year of Hongwu, taxation and location were also used in determining the social and natural quality of the divisions, namely Fan or Jian, as well as the assessment methods of officials. Yang Yunsheng proposed to divide the administrative hierarchy into three levels according to administrative workload, geographic location and transportation during the Jiajing years. Consequently, the Ministry of Personnel unified the administrative divisions into three levels in the first year of Longqing. According to the statistics recorded in the Da ming guan zhi, the places with important roads, heavy workload, dire taxation were mostly concentrated in the Southern Zhili, Northern Zhili, and Jiangxi provinces, among which the places along the canals were particularly typical. Officials were selected to fill in the positions of Fan or Jian in the late Ming dynasty, but the ranking system was not continued after the implementation of the method of drawing lots. The ranking system in the Ming Dynasty had a great influence on the Qing Dynasty, and the spatial distribution of the administrative divisions in the Ming and Qing Dynasties also had certain similarities.

The Minzhou Zongguanfu (General Administration Office) was the product of the deteriorating of the relationship between Tang and Tuyuhun which was moving from cooperation to conflict. During the Wude period, the jurisdiction of the governor’s government expanded from north to south, reflecting the Tang defense strategy in the face of the aggressions from the Tuyuhun. By expanding the jurisdiction of the Minzhou General Administration Office, the Tang Dynasty first established a linkage between the prefectures in the Taoshui and Qiangshui basin with Minzhou as the pivot to protect the Weihe Valley passage from Chang’an to the Western Regions. Subsequently, a Wuzhou node was established to connect theprefectures in the Qiangshui and Baishui basins to protect the Sanguan Road from Yizhou to Chang’an. During the Zhenguan period, its jurisdiction shrank from south to north and east to west in accordance with Tang’s military advances. By reducing the area under the jurisdiction of the Minzhou Dudufu (succeeding the Zongguanfu) and the division of territory with the Songzhou Dudufu, the Tang could focus on pacifyng the Tangut and regime change of the Tuyuhun. Behind this expansion and shrinkage of jurisdiction hides the irreconcilable conflict between Tang and Tuyuhun over border security, which proved to be the norm rather than the temporary cooperation.

Due to the lack of altitude gradient of sewers and scouring capacity of rivers, the old sewerage system in the Shanghai International Settlement was not fully capable of handling domestic waste. In the 1910s, in order to cope with the challenge brought by water-closets, the Municipal Council decided to build an underground separate sewerage system to accomplish the transformation of sewage treatment method from combined sewers to separate sewers. From 1921 to 1934, on the basis of combining the experience of Anglo- American municipal engineering and the geographical situation of Shanghai, the Council gradually constructed a brand-new sewer network with three levels including the main, the subsidiary and house sewers. Through the spatial competition and functional linkage between the sewers and other municipal pipelines, the upgrading of the sewerage system had brought about the integration of urban subterranean space.

The tiers of prefectures and counties are important indicators that reflect their political status, population and economic importance. By using historical quantitative analysis and GIS analysis methods, this paper unpacks the spatiotemporal changes of 339 prefectures and 1 607 counties in Tang Dynasty. The results show that: (1) The number of prefecture tier Fu (府), Fu (辅), Xiong (雄) and county tier Chi (赤), Ji (畿), Ci-Chi (次赤) and Ci-Ji (次畿) was relatively stable in Tang Dynasty, while the number of Shang (上), Zhong (中), Xia (下) prefectures and counties changed drastically. In the late Tang Dynasty, the number of upgraded prefectures and counties was more than that of degraded prefectures and counties, with the most significant hierarchical change took place from Kaiyuan (713-741) to Yuanhe (806-820). (2) The spatio-temporal changes of prefectures and counties in Tang Dynasty was “high in the north and low in the south”. Guanzhong Plain was the highest area in the prefecture and county level. The temporal change was “falling in the north and rising in the south”. The Plain of Hubei and Hunan, Poyang Lake Plain and Taihu Plain in the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River rose most significantly. (3) The tiers of prefectures and counties in the vicinity of the capital of the Tang Dynasty were most affected by political factors, while the tiers of the frontier fortresses and traffic throats were most affected by military factors. Other prefectures’ and counties’ tiers were mainly affected by economic factors, especially population size. (4) The spatio-temporal changes of the tiers of prefectures and counties in Tang Dynasty reflected the eastward and southward movement of the national political, demographic, urban and economic centers after the An-Shi Rebellion in the middle of the Tang Dynasty.

The Zhendi Circuit of Xinjiang during the Qing Dynasty was formed on the basis of both the Anxi circuit and the Liangwu Circuit of Urumqi. During the relatively peaceful era before the Tongzhi period, the Zhendi Circuit functioned in the capacity of provincial governor and surveillance commissioner. There were formal and hierarchical administrative districts and sub-official defence posts that also functioned as administrative district under its jurisdiction. It was administered by the Viceroy of Shaanxi and Gansu, and at the same time jointly liaised to the Urumqi Dutong, while Urumqi Dutong was a subordinate to the Yili General before the Tongzhi period. However, the Governor of Shaanxi and Gansu not being based at Urumqi meant that its administration was to a large extent remote, and the Yili General’s control over the Urumqi Dutong was nominal, which made Urumqi Dutong’s administration to Zhendi Circuit rather uninterrupted. As such, the Circuit Intendant took the mandate of provincial governor and surveillance commissioner, and that of Dutong was comparable to Viceroy. The district formed was a special type of quasi-provincial jurisdiction: the Urumqi Dutong, which was relatively independent. This special administration system was imitated in other districts that were facing similar situation for reference purpose.

In the early Qing Dynasty, the boundary dispute between Ordos Mongolian and Ningxia Garrison over the Cha Han Tuo Hu(查汉托护) is essentially the competition for natural resources between the Mongols and Han. The resolution of the boundary disputes reflected the transformation of the nation of ethnic management and border governance of the central government in the early Qing Dynasty,as well as the improvement of its governance capability. Through a series of economic, political and military manoeuvre, the Qing government completed the adjustment of the administrative territory of Cha Han Tuo Hu. It was mainly reflected in three aspects: firstly Cha Han Tuo Hu was made in agricultural area through establishing a system of irrigation and raising farmers for rehabilitation,thus changing the main economic attributes of the territory. Secondly,by establishing the county system, Cha Han Tuo Hu was incorporated into the inland and local administrative system of prefectures, which truly transformed the political nature of the Ningxia Garrison from border land to inland. Thirdly a new patrolling and defensive system was established in Cha Han Tuo Hu area, which was similar to local security system in other inland provinces in the Qing Dynasty, and eventually replaced the Weisuo system the Qing had inherited from the Ming Dynasty.

Foreign owned trading companies were an essential institution between China and western countries in modern times. Its spatial evolution and strategy represent imperialism’s destructive and reconstructive influences on Chinese cities. This paper takes Tianjin as a case study, and analyzes the important role that foreign companies played in urban development through a visual analysis of its spatial evolution process using HGIS. The result shows that Tianjin, as a trading center in northern China attracted a large number of foreign companies, which formed a unique spatial system. These foreign companies had a complex impact on the formation and transformation of the urban spatial structure of modern Tianjin, as they did on other treaty port cities.

Both the records of historical documents in the early Ming Dynasty, and the Plaque of the “Timasa Pacification Commission” found in Assam Pradesh, India, indicate that the Gula Chiefdoms set up in the southwest frontier region in the early Ming Dynasty were actually located in the Brahmaputra Valley. Since the Han and Tang Dynasties, the Brahmaputra Valley had been an important channel connecting China and the South Asia. After the reunification of Yunnan, the Ming dynasty actively managed the southwestern frontier. With the continuous expansion of the influence of the Ming China, the Gula tribes established political contact with the Ming Dynasty and the latter then set up chiefdoms in this area. Although the relationship between the Ming dynasty and the Gula chiefdoms did not last long, the re-opening of the land Silk Road to South Asia greatly expanded the geographical cognition of the ancient Chinese.

In the middle and late Yuan Dynasty, the Yuan government restored a number of prefectures and counties in Sichuan Province. By comparing the historical records and data of schools, ancestral temples and famous officials, we can summarize that from Dade to Zhizheng, the restored administrative districts included three prefectures, namely Rong, Zi, and long, and nine counties of Jingyan, Neijiang, Anyue, Changning, Dazu, Lechang, Jiangyou, Baoning and Tongjiang. Another Shiyang county was newly established. The main reasons for the restoration were the growth of population. These administrative districts shared three characteristics: most of them were established on the basis of the inspection department (xunjiansi), insufficient population and low efficiency.

In the late Qing Dynasty and the Period of Republic of China, the provincial government of Xinjiang actively promoted the reform of administrative divisions and created a large number of new county-level administrative districts, in order to meet the needs of frontier management. It’s worth an in-depth study on the characteristics of these new counties, and the similarities and differences between them and the counties in the hinterland. By restoring the process of Horgos County’s establishment and reconstructing its boundaries in 1914 using archives and maps, this study reveals the political considerations of the provincial government of Xinjiang including strengthening the military defense, diplomacy, management of foreign trade and domestic affairs, when establishing new counties along the border area between China and Russia. At the same time, this case also shows that in the process of delineating the boundaries of administration districts in the modern frontier areas, in addition to concerns over traditional principle of following mountains and rivers, domestic and foreign political relations such as disputes over national boundaries, economic distribution, and the local warlords’ own benefits also affect the delimitation.

Analysis on the spatio-temporal changes and types of 229 Paleolithic sites in Northeast China shows that, the early sites were distributed sparsely in the foothills of Qianshan Mountain and the eastern Songnen Plain, with about 57.1% of them located at less than 200 meters above the sea level. The ruins type was predominatly mountain and hillock platform type. In the middle period, the sites were mainly distributed on both banks of rivers and streams in the eastern mountains. About 58.8% of the sites were in the area between 200-400 meters above the sea level, and the type of the sites was mainly river valley terrace type. The distribution of the late sites basically extended to as far as half of the Northeast, especially in the middle and lower reaches of Nenjiang River, the lower reaches of Liaohe River, the foothills of Qianshan Mountain,the lower reaches of Mudan River, the upper reaches of Muling River, Buerhatong River basin, Suifenhe River basin and other regions. About 49.4% of ruins were located in the area between 200-400 meters above the sea level, and the type of ruins was mainly valley terrace type. A few were hillock platform type or mountain hilly type. The spatial distribution of the ruins gradually expanded from the southeast to the northwest and from low altitude to high altitude. This change may be the result of diversified strategies such as improving stone tools technology, maintaining high mobility, changing hunting methods, and strengthening resource utilization so as to adapt to climate and environmental changes.

The change of Dianshan Lake during the Song and Yuan dynasties are the result of the changes of hydrological environment in the east of the Taihu Lake. During the mid to late Northern Song Dynasty, Dianshan Lake was expanded due to crustal subsidence in the Dianmao (淀泖)region, the siltation of the Wusong River, and the accumulation of water in the pond, and the main flow of Dianshan Lake was discharged into the Wusong River along the northern ponds, forming a unique overflow hydraulic system between the Wusong River, the ponds along the river and Dianshan Lake. During the Southern Song Dynasty, the drainage pattern of Taihu Lake was southeast and northeast, influenced by the continuous siltation of the Wusong River, and the clear water and tidal water were permanently supported by each other in the northeastern waters of Dianshan Lake, resulting in the spread of siltation and the expansion of polder. The backwater of Dianshan Lake, which has been blocked from flowing northward, gradually develops towards the southeast. During the Yuan Dynasty, the main stem of the Wusong River continued to silt up, the amount of water coming into Dianshan Lake continued to increase. However, with the blockage of the outlet of Dianmao in the northeast pond and the construction of the southeast pond, the water was stagnant in the Mao area, including Dianshan Lake, causing a stagnant catchment area and a second expansion of Dianshan Lake.

Administrative divisions, namely Fu, Ting, Zhou and Xian, were established in the west part of Jilin mainly after 1906, based on domestic political reformations on the system of eight-banner garrisons. Large amount of newly established administrative divisions within the short time led to the unusual equivalence between Fu-level and Xian-level divisions. As a result, the boundaries between administrative divisions remained the same as margin zones between regions of eight-banners garrisons before 1907, most of which were referring to mountains or rivers. After that, delimitation and alternation moved boundaries away from existing frontiers. As to provincial boundaries in the western part of Jilin, their continuous changes were related to the development of lands near the boundary, and changes of the land ownership afterwards. By the third year of reign of Xuantong, boundaries between administrative divisions in the western part of Jilin were mainly natural boundaries, complemented with a minority group of man-made objects. However, among the boundaries inside Jilin Province, most of the newly settled ones were formed by the border of settlements.

During the confrontation between the Northern Song and the Liao dynasties, the song army attached great importance to the northern border defense system of Hedong Lu. The defense line runs for more than 400 miles, along which a defense system with Daizhou as the center, and Fanshi and Guxian as the East and West wing respectively, has been formed. It mainly consists of citadels and fortresses and the aim is to deter the southward attacks through the Xiagu road of the Liao army. The fortresses are surrounded by defensive facilities such as square fields, protective forests, stone walls, ditches, and beacon towers. Taken together, they form a defense system integrating the functions of monitoring, reconnaissance, counter-attacking, military information transmission and so on. Horizontally, the distances between fortresses in different regions ranged from eight to seventy miles, with the majority at around thirty. Vertically, they rely on hinterland counties and towns, thus forming a three-tier defense system, which played a key role in the border defense system of the Northern Song Dynasty.

This paper compiles panel data on prefectural land and labor tax for the years 1717, 1748, 1784, and 1820 based on historical data, and uses geographic information system to analyze its spatially divergent patterns. The spatial panel model is used to explore the role of topographic factors on these characteristics. The results show that: (1) The distribution of land and labor tax is significantly limited by altitude, and the high tax distribution is all located below 600 meters above the sea level. (2) There was a significant positive spatial correlation of land and labor tax. The local Moran index showed an uneven development pattern. High-high clustering mainly in eastern China and low-low clustering mostly in western and southwestern China. The gravity model shows that the formation of a spatially positive autocorrelation pattern of taxes is most influenced by the agglomeration effect of the Yangtze River Delta region, as well as some northern provinces. (3) Spatial panel regression results show that population is positively correlated with land and labor tax, and altitude and slope are negatively correlated with it. (4) The influence of topographic factors on tax amount distribution gradually decreased, while the influence of governance factors gradually increased.

There used to be the tide watching custom, locally dubbed as the “August 18th tide birthday”, around the estuaries and tributaries of the Yangtze, Qiantang, Wusong, Loujiang and Huangpu River. The rise or fall of this custom was closely related to the unobstructed or blocked of those rivers. The tide watching custom originated in Qujiang in Guangling (now Yangzhou), and the most famous is the Qiantang tide. Tide watching had become an entertaining folk festival in Tang and Song dynasties. The lore of “tide birthday” appeared and spread among the people in the Jiangnan area after the Yuan Dynasty, and there were sacrificing ceremonies as well. However, the adoration of “Tide God” along the Qiantang River was rarely seen in other places, indicating the different impacts of tide on the local society, and the local adaption of man-land relationship in this area.

During the period of the Qing Dynasty and the Republic of China, Suiyuan, which was located in the western part of the Northern Agricultural Pastoral Ecotone, underwent diversified changes in its industrial structure in response to changes in the situation at home and abroad. Diversification became a prominent feature of local economic geography. By the 1930s, it was mainly reflected in the non-local primary industries of agriculture, industry, commerce and transportation, which infiltrated, superimposed and transformed with the local native nomadic economy into a modernity and diversified regional economic system. Before that, it could only be called piecemeal changes, rather than full scale changes. Thereafter, Suiyuan had evolved from a nomadic landscape of cattle and sheep throughout the territory in the early Qing Dynasty, to a new pattern of diversified industries in the late Republic of China, which was characterized by pastoral farming, numerous industrial enterprises, prosperous domestic and foreign trade, and interlaced roads and railways. It had become a common home for Mongolian and Han peoples with a prosperous regional economic and harmonious inter-ethnicity relations.

Super typhoons are one of the most severe natural disasters affecting China’s coastal areas. Relying on modern research results of typhoons, this paper uses historical local gazettes, archives, newspapers and other materials to deduct six indicators, including the wind scales, death toll, house damage, crop loss, official and public relief policy, and typhoon impact range, to develop a method for identifying super typhoons in the historical period. It is applied to reconstructing the super typhoon affecting Jiangsu-Zhejiang-Shanghai area from 1640-1949, and the results are in turn statistically tested against the records of super typhoons from 1950-2019. This study shows that this method is robust in identifying the super typhoon events in the historical period. The reconstructed sequence shows that an average of 2.3 super typhoons occurs every 10 years, and there are obvious fluctuations in its frequency, which are different from that of general typhoons.

The Bingbei Dao was an important military institution in the Ming Dynasty. During the Jiajing reign, in response to the transprovincial maneuvers of the “mineral thieves” in eastern Guangdong and the intrusion of Japanese pirates, the Shenwei Dao was set up in Pingyuan County in Southern Jiangxi. Later, Pingyuan County was transferred to Chaozhou-fu in Guangdong province. Accordingly, Shenwei Dao was transferred from “dual control” under the governors of Southern Jiangxi and Guangdong to exclusively under the Governor of Guangdong. As a result, Shenwei Dao’s seat was also moved from Pingyuan County to Huizhou-fu. After the stability of eastern Guangdong Province, Shenwei Dao was abolished in the period of Wanli. The changes of Shenwei Dao’s command, responsibility, jurisdiction, and residence was a typical case of Bingbei Daos in the middle to the late Ming Dynasty. The abolition and division adjustment of the Shenwei Dao also reflected the changes of the complex military situation in Lingdong region of Guangdong Province in the same period.

The Qing government achived effective governance of the whole of Guizhou province by altering the native chieftain system into governmental appointed officials, establishing garrisons, county-level administrations and pioneering new frontiers, ending up the situation that all were wild beyond the settled line. This also rendered great changes in the patterns of military geography. The Qing government transformed the linear defense military mode of the Ming dynasty into a more ambitious “two-governor” system: one in Anshun to control the hinderland of Guizhou, and the other in Guiyang to manage the soldiers from the newly subdivided land. Both of the governors could mobilize the troops around the province. In addition, a generalship was set up in Zhenyuan to safeguard the eastern courier route and gain special control of the new land of Songtao, Taigong and Qingjiang. Generals of Weining, Guzhou and Anyi were also set up to manage the northwest, southeast and southwest, respectively. The new governance penetrated into countryside and achieved the goal of controlling the province as a whole.

The Qing government promulgated the Act of Town-country Self-Government in 1909, which established the “town-country system” as the grass-roots autonomous divisions. Since then, with the disintegration of “Quasi-compound administrative districts pattern” which had been formed since the Qin and Han dynasties, the grass-roots divisions have entered the period of a unified and full-functional “Country-town system”. However, the initial practice of“town-country system” was not fully complied with rigid regulations. In Guangdong Province, where the grass-roots militias were prevalent, most of the grass-roots autonomous divisions followed the “County-district” mode rather than “Urban, town and country” system as defined in the act. The division and allocation of “District”actually originated from the local grass-roots military defense divisions “Tuan”. That is to say, the modern grass-roots autonomous divisions derive from the grass-roots militias corps. To a large extent, with the functions of public security defense, administrative management and quasi-autonomy, the grass-roots militia corps not only met the establishment requirements of the grass-roots autonomous divisions, but also the internal needs of Guangdong’s grass-roots social governance at that time.