The Tang Dynasty Chinese cliff carvings discovered in the Dil mountain of Ulziit in the central Gobi Province of Mongolia indicate that this area was an important node on the grassland transportation line at that time. The route through the desert to capital of the Uyghur Empire, as recorded in the New Book of Tang passed through this area as the ‘Eastern Uyghur Road’, also known as the ‘the road of having an audience with Tengri Khan’. The inscriptions were carved during the rule of restraint period of the Tang Dynasty in the second year of Linde, which confirmed the historical event that Emperor Gaozong of the Tang Dynasty offered sacrifices to heaven and earth in Mount Tai and invited the leaders of Tiele tribes in the Boreal desert to come, which reflected the communications between the Tang Dynasty and the northern nomads and the control of the Tang government over the vassal prefectures in the Boreal desert.

The development of modern China’s mechanized flour milling industry can be broadly divided into four stages, yet the development across different regions was highly uneven. The establishment and location selection of typical factories reveal that the site choices for mechanized flour milling were the result of a combination of natural resource endowment, regional economic and cultural environments, and the personal concepts of entrepreneurs. Unlike Western flour industries, which were largely influenced by natural factors, the location selection of modern China’s mechanized flour milling industry was more significantly affected by regional economic factors such as transportation, capital, and sales markets. The locational evolution of the national capital mechanized flour milling industry in modern China conforms to the ‘port-hinterland’ model, with industrial development levels exhibiting a gradient decrease from the coastal areas to the inland regions.

Based on classical documents and unearthed materials such as bamboo slips and sealing clays, this paper investigates the period and jurisdiction of prefectures set up by Qin in the Zhao area east of Taihang Mountain, and traces the evolution of these prefectures. From King Zhaoxiang’s reign to the beginning of King Zheng’s, Qin occupied Hejian area and then made it the fief of Lü Buwei’s downfall. Following Lü Buwei’s death, Qin established Hejian Prefecture. After conquering Zhao, Qin established three additional prefectures: Qinghe, Hengshan, and Handan. These four prefectures persisted until the early Han Dynasty. Qin never set up Julu Prefecture.

道路里程是考证地望和衡量交通运输成本的重要参数。清廷在驿传制度实践中遵循“按程立限”和“以里核销”准则,道路里程作用凸显,清会典、程限册等官方文献和水陆行程书、行程日记等私人著述对其多有记载。对清代西北地区道路里程细致考察,发现存在“大里”“小里”“官里”“民里”等多种形态,里程记载文本差异显著。道路里程文本差异的成因相当复杂,既有不同地貌条件下的地形因素,也有官府与民间的主体因素,还存在内地与边疆的区域因素。正确理解清代道路里程的实际内涵,对于深化历史交通地理和交通史研究意义重大。

In the early Qing Dynasty, the official strategy for managing the Yellow and Huai River floods largely adhered to the Ming Dynasty’s water management philosophy, prioritizing ‘restraint’ over ‘dredging’. During Emperor Kangxi’s reign, the policy of ‘opening the sea outlets’ was effectively implemented with imperial intervention, fundamentally aimed at achieving ‘diversion to the sea’ by deepening the drainage channels and expanding the sea outlets along the coastal counties of the Xiahe Area. As the water conditions of the Yellow River, Huai River, the Grand Canal, and Hongze Lake evolved, the deepening of river channels alone could no longer effectively direct waters from the central lowlands to the coastal accumulation zones, resulting in frequent overflows and disasters. Therefore, during Emperor Qianlong’s reign, embankments were constructed along the sides of the returning-to-sea rivers to confine the waters. Concurrently, the construction of polder fields began, linking with river embankments to establish a polder system in the coastal counties of the Xiahe Area. Influenced by the eastward flow of water and the impact of the ocean, the water environment and the construction of embankments in these coastal counties exhibited characteristics of complex and dynamic changes.

The transformation of Zhapu (乍浦), a town in Jiaxing, Zhejiang Province, into a prominent foreign trade port in the northern part of Hangzhou Bay during the mid-to-late 18th century was not a mere accident. It was the result of a combination of factors, including its geographical location, transportation network, and policy orientation. The ‘trade network’ discussed in this article focuses on the circulation of goods within and between regions, covering various aspects such as regional transportation, market systems, and merchant groups. The merchants trading at Zhapu built a flexible and diverse trade network based on the procurement of foreign copper and the vast maritime area. Zhapu Port’s trade network symbolizes the East Asian economic order, embodying an integrated network that merges ‘tributary trade’ with ‘market system’.

In the Luoyang Basin during the Han, Wei, Sui, and Tang dynasties, the flow patterns of the Yi, Luo, Chan, and Jian rivers were closely related to their geological setting. The orientations of these rivers are predominantly determined by the underlying geological fault lines of the basin. The orientations of the Yi and Luo rivers are mainly determined by east-west and northeast-oriented fault lines, with the flow path of the Luo River primarily influenced by the Matun-Yanshi fault and the Yi River influenced by the Yiyang-Yanshi fault. Jian and Chan Rivers share simultaneous spatial similarities and transient transformation similarities, both following city site migrations, turning from being sectioned eastward during Han and Wei dynasties to falling back to the natural southward flow during Sui and Tang dynasties. Luo River exhibited a trend of continual northward transformation during Han, Wei, Sui, and Tang dynasties, while Yi River constantly extends eastward and southward. Over historical periods, the Yi and Luo rivers gradually separated north and south, with their confluence point shifting eastward. Unequal north-south subsidence and a northward tilt of the sedimentary center caused Luo River to migrate northward, while a central bulge and ‘two cut first base’complex fault depression caused Yi River to extend eastward and southward.

The opening of treaty ports profoundly influences local transportation, commerce, and social change. While existing research often concentrates on ports with significant modernization achievements, there is a dearth of studies exploring the constraints faced by ‘unsatisfactory’ ports in their challenging modernization processes. Longzhou (龙州), located in Guangxi Province and adjacent to northern Vietnam, is situated in a rugged mountainous area at the upper reaches of the Zuojiang (左江), characterized by its treacherous waters and numerous shoals. This study examines the opening of Longzhou and the evolution of transportation geography along the Guangxi-Vietnam border. By analyzing the development of railway, waterway, and highway construction plans and the changes in their leadership, it concludes that geographical positioning was both the catalyst for Longzhou’s opening at certain historical moments and a fundamental, long-term obstacle to improving transportation infrastructure. As a result, Longzhou repeatedly encountered setbacks in trade route competition, reflecting the substantial historical inertia of the natural geographical environment and the intricate power struggles among various forces in the Guangxi-Vietnam border region under fluctuating political circumstances.

The Army Map Service (AMS) was a professional military mapping agency established by the U.S. military during World War II. The 1:250 000 China topographic map is a medium-scale topographic map series compiled by the AMS in the 1950s. This set of maps primarily reflects the geographical situation of China from the end of the Comprehensive Anti-Japanese War to the period just before 1949. The accuracy of the topographic maps is contingent upon whether the U.S. military conducted actual surveys in the area and the quality of the data sources. The data sources primarily consist of American, Japanese, and Chinese maps, as well as aerial photography, making them the most accurate medium-scale topographic maps reflecting modern standards at the time. The versioning and compilation cycles of the topographic maps are tied to the operational needs of the U.S. military, with faster updating and publication speeds for maps near theaters of war. Overall, this map series represents an organic integration of numerous modern cartographic achievements and stands as the most accurate medium-scale topographic map reflecting contemporary surface features. Furthermore, the standardized processing of these maps also offers new opportunities for cross-regional historical geography research.

This article, based on the translation of The History of Cartography, delves into issues concerning the production and utilization of ancient Chinese maps. It proposes that research on map production should broaden to encompass the technologies applied at various stages of mapmaking, the composition and professional communities of cartographers. Additionally, research on map usage should examine the diverse applications of maps across different social strata and affairs, as well as their prevalence. The analysis indicates that maps played a crucial role in the knowledge production and dissemination in ancient China, a fact that warrants significant attention in future studies. By contrasting with the study of cartographic history during the European Renaissance, this article stresses the importance of future research on ancient Chinese maps to be imaginative, identifying valuable questions and perspectives.

The confrontation between the Eastern and Western Wei dynasties, along with the resurgence of the Rouran, established a tripartite political pattern. Driven by military security concerns, the Eastern Wei Dynasty constructed the Sizhou(肆州)Great Wall in the northern and central regions of what is now Xinzhou(忻州), Shanxi. This wall included areas around Luya Mountain(芦芽山), Guancen Mountain(管涔山), Yunzhong Mountain(云中山), and the remnants of Hengshan(恒山). The Sizhou Great Wall’s construction spanned from Tudeng(土隥) in the east to Maling Garrison(马陵戍)in the west, ensuring the smooth flow of transportation along its route, particularly for the restoration of valley roads. This was of decisive significance for the political and military situation during the Northern Dynasties.

This study combines the findings of previous research with the records from the ‘Tong Wen Zi Fang’ (同文字方) No. 8-455 of the Liye Qin Slips. The ‘Taishou’(太守) in the ‘Jimo Taishou’ (即墨太守) sealing clay is written as ‘Dashou’ (大守), indicating that it dates before the implementation of the ‘Shu Tong Wen Zi’ (书同文字) policy. This suggests that the establishment of Jimo Jun (即墨郡) likely occurred after the Qin Dynasty conquered the State of Qi and before the ‘Shu Tong Wen Zi’ policy was implemented. Furthermore, records from Liye No. 8-657 indicate that Jimo Jun existed for a very short period and may have been merged into Langya Jun (琅邪郡) when Emperor Qin Shi Huang reorganized the state into thirty-six jun. This explains why Jimo Jun was not mentioned by scholars when discussing the thirty-six jun of the Qin Dynasty and the subsequent forty-eight jun.

The Western Jin Dynasty’s prefectures and counties as recorded in Du Yu’s (杜预) Chunqiu Shili (《春秋释例》) and Chunqiu Jingzhuan Jijie (《春秋经传集解》) predominantly reflect the administrative divisions established at the outset of the Taishi (泰始) era. The incorporations in the provinces of Jingzhou (荆州), Yangzhou (扬州), and Xuzhou (徐州) partially include those from the Taikang (太康) era. By analyzing Du Yu’s interpretations of geographical locations, we can further investigate and supplement the historical evolution of the Western Jin Dynasty’s prefectures and counties. Connecting Du Yu’s geographical insights with the history of the Western Jin’s feudal system, it is inferred that the reassignment of Dongchaoyang (东朝阳) to Le’anguo (乐安国) and Xiaquyang (下曲阳) to Zhaoguo (赵国) occurred in the third year of the Xian Ning (咸宁) era, and that in the first year of Taikang, the establishment was of Linhuaijun (临淮郡), not Linhuaiguo (临淮国). Du Yu’s approach to explicating ancient place names within county jurisdictions reveals that Xuxian (徐县) was indeed abolished at the beginning of Taishi. During the Spring and Autumn Period, Loulin (娄林) was located east of the Xuguo’s (徐国) capital, dispelling previous misconceptions that placed it in the northwest. Following Du Yu’s methodical exposition of rivers and their paths through various jurisdictions, we can deduce the administrative evolution of counties such as Nandun (南顿), Ruo (鄀), Gaotang (高唐), and Chiping (茌平).

《汉书·地理志》记录了百余条水道里程,这些里程数字是实际测量的结果,统计精确度较高。受测量条件限制,汉代测量水道里程需要依托航道、堤岸、河谷等交通道路进行,《汉志》中记录的里程数字是水道作为交通通道的河段里程,并不是水道完整的流程。利用《汉志》水道里程的统计结果,可以构建出汉代以江、河、淮、郁等大河为主干彼此连通、延展的水道交通网络。通过定量研究,可揭示汉代水道交通能力南方优于北方的基本特征,以及河水水系、淮济水系、江水水系、郁水水系不同的水道交通模式。

The site of Chengdu during the Qin to the Northern and Southern dynasties was located on the second terrace of the Min River (岷江) system. The scarcity of construction soil and the floods of the Pi River (郫江) were the main reasons for the formation of the ‘Tortoise City’ layout of Chengdu’s Qin city, which consisted of two cities, the larger and the smaller, arranged side by side to the east and west. The orientation of the Qin city and its internal structures followed the natural terrain, with a deliberate inclination of about 30 degrees north-east to facilitate drainage and flood control. By combining archaeological and documentary evidence, the approximate positions of the gates, walls, and central partitions of Chengdu’s Qin city can be reconstructed. The western wall of Chengdu’s Qin city was a considerable distance from the Pi River, while the southern wall was closer. The historical records mentioning 18 gates and a circumference of twelve li are considered accurate.

The study of historical settlement geography has long neglected the type of settlement space. By adopting the type of settlement space as a research perspective and considering both form and pattern, this study reveals that the Guoyu Village in the Qinhe River Basin experienced three distinct stages: the pioneering period characterized by ‘living in the west and plotting in the east’ from the Hongwu to Wanli period of Ming Dynasty, the extension period marked by ‘three opposing fortresses’ from the Tianqi period of Ming Dynasty to the Yongzheng period of Qing Dynasty, and the filling period of ‘settlement around the fortress’ from the middle and late Qing Dynasty to the Republic of China. The spatial types of Guoyu village exhibit characteristics of diversity and complexity. Stability factors such as natural environment and cultural environment, and sudden factors like policy and warfare played decisive roles in the evolution of Guoyu Village’s settlement spaces. Through a comprehensive analysis of space type, form and pattern as well as the dual application of the spatial model of ‘plane space + three-dimensional space’, this study significantly enriches the research of historical settlement spaces.

During the Hongzhi Period, Bai Ang (白昂) dug the Kangji River, a new waterway in the east of Gaoyou Lake through farmland, thus an extensive lake field called ‘circle field’ (圈田) was created between the new river and the lake. It acted as a barrier of the canal to circumvent the dangers posed by the lake’s turbulent floods. In the period of Zhengde and Jiajing, changes in land cultivation along the lakeside and alterations in levy methods led to the disruption of canal infrastructure and organization, which resulted in a worse trend of canal siltation and lake water level rise. From Longqing to Wanli era, the canal embankment repeatedly breached, leading to different views among local elites and river officials regarding whether to retain the Kangji River and the circle fields or not. The former tried to consolidate the field as taxable assets, while the latter emphasized on the importance of the embankment. Finally, Wu Guifang rebuilt the Gaoyou canal and the old embankment. The Kangji River was abandoned. The submerged circle fields also lost their significance. The dynamic interplay between the lakeside fields in Gaoyou and the changes of the water environment, intertwining in the process of the reform of the tax and levy, jointly influenced the canal projects.

The road from Yizhou(伊州) to Xizhou(西州) in Tang Dynasty underwent a transformation process from south to north. In the early Tang Dynasty, the water environment of Shaer Lake, situated at the heart of the Hami Basin, was particularly favorable. Consequently, people of the Tang Dynasty incorrectly identified Shaer Lake as either Puchang(蒲昌) Lake or Pulei(蒲类) Lake. There was a Yiwu(伊吾) Road passing through the water area of Shaer Lake in the early Tang Dynasty, which was distinct from the later Chiting(赤亭) Road, also known as the Yixi(伊西) Road, and the Xinka (新开) Road, or Yixi North Road. The Yiwu Road was a segment of Xuanzang??s(玄奘) Journey to the West, and the Jiaohedao(交河道) Army expanded upon it by developing the Liuzhong(柳中) Road. Following the establishment of Xizhou, the Tang Dynasty utilized Gaochang(高昌) City as the military and political hub to oversee Pulei Lake, progressively developing the road from Puchang County to Luohu(罗护) in Xizhou. After 702, when Beiting(北庭) became the military and political center of the eastern Tianshan Mountains, direct military and administrative communications between the central government and Beiting increased in frequency, leading to the development of a postal road from Nazhi(纳职) County to Luohu in Yizhou. The roads from Puchang County to Luohu and from Nazhi County to Luohu were linked, ultimately forming the postal route from Yizhou to Xizhou.

The Jianghan Plain has long maintained a dominant position in rice-based grain production, and this dominance has persisted continuously into modern times. With the constantly evolving domestic and foreign economic conditions and the growing connection between ports and the hinterland, there has been a gradual increase in the proportion of cotton cultivation. This resulted in a spatial division of labor in crop cultivation. Research on the changes in crop cultivation in the Jianghan Plain reveals that the geographical environment in which small-scale farmers are located influenced their crop selection. While external economic conditions enhanced the competitiveness of specific crops, the location of ports constrained the extent of trade expansion. Finally, the analysis of changes in crop cultivation demonstrates that the economic advantages historically held by Hankou had become a significant factor in the widening gap between inland and coastal areas during the process of modernization.

Following the establishment of Japan’s so-called ‘Special Rights and Interests in Manchuria and Mongolia’ in 1912, Japan began to expand its influence in the northern region of Northeast China, primarily through the construction of railway networks. Prior to the Mukden Incident in 1931, Japan had already fragmented the western hinterland of the Trans-Manchurian Railway by leveraging Chinese railways that had become feeder lines for the South Manchuria Railway, a result of previous Japanese financial assistance to China. After the afore-mentioned incident, Japan constructed the Jilin-Hoeryong Railway to Northern Korean Ports System, which further segmented the hinterlands of the eastern and southern lines of the Trans-Manchurian Railway. The northward expansion of the Japanese-controlled railway system, together with the ensuing competition it triggered with Russia and then the Soviet Union in the northern hinterlands of Northeast China, was a significant factor in the evolution of the economic patterns of the region and the entire Northeast Asia in modern times. This expansion and competition greatly shaped the geography of regional transportation and economy, and to a large extent, altered the developmental trajectory of the political and economic landscape of Northeast Asia.

传统观点以为,汉初豫章郡属淮南国,在今赣南。仔细梳理西汉文献所记汉初史事,豫章郡应属吴国,在今皖南。豫章郡因治于故鄣县,又名“故鄣郡”。魏晋时期,讹“故鄣郡”为“鄣郡”。汉初豫章郡先后属楚王韩信、荆王刘贾、吴王刘濞。《史记》所记淮南王英布、长沙王吴芮领有豫章郡乃“虚封”。景帝三年,汉廷将豫章郡一分为二,北部并入江都国;南部与庐江郡合并,改称“庐江豫章郡”。传世汉代封泥“庐江豫守”,即“庐江豫章郡守”,而非以往认为的庐江国豫章郡守。景、武之际,江淮之间另立庐江郡,汉廷更庐江豫章郡为豫章郡。元封二年,武帝从豫章郡中分置丹阳郡,豫章郡从此仅辖赣江流域,遂有《汉书·地理志》之规模。

The delimitation of sea defense zones forms the basis of the spatial deployment of sea defense. During the Ming and Qing dynasties, the military defense area boundaries of the Zhoushan Islands were divided into three main levels: the boundaries of the Wei(卫) and Zhen(镇), the boundaries of the inland and outer seas, and the boundaries of the Suo(所) and Ying(营). The northern boundary of the Wei or Zhen corresponded with the provincial boundary, which was delineated by Chenqian(陈钱)to Bixia(壁下) in Ming Dynasty and by Yang Mountain(羊山) to Maji(马迹) in Qing Dynasty. The southern boundary was marked by Nantian(南田), Jiantiao(健跳), and Niutou Mountain(牛头山) in Ming Dynasty, and by the Tianhou Palace(天后宫) at the southern end of Shipu Town(石浦镇) in Qing Dynasty. The western boundary, which extended far inland during the Ming Dynasty, was divided along the coast of Zhenhai(镇海) and Xiangshan(象山) in Qing Dynasty. The boundaries between the inland and outer seas were indicated by a line that included Wuyu Mountain(五屿山), Liangtou Cave(两头洞), Changtu(长涂), Luojia Mountain(洛泇山), Taohua Mountain(桃花山), Jiancang(尖仓), Jiushan(韭山), and Tantou(檀头). There were distinct boundaries between the five garrisons of the Ming Dynasty and the five green standard armies of the Qing Dynasty. These defense boundaries often crossed district political boundaries but never crossed prefectural or provincial boundaries. The boundaries of the inland and outer seas, as well as those of the garrisons and the Suo and Ying, were determined based on defense tasks and the natural maritime environment.

Feng Guifen, a thinker in the late Qing Dynasty, once designed a set of surveying and mapping methods in his masterpiece Protest from the Jiaobin Studio. It is based on the square grid style and centered on field surveying, and contains angle, distance and topographic surveying and mapping. It was effectively practiced in the field surveying work of Chuansha Ting and was also partially applied to the later surveying work of the Map of Jiangsu Province during the Tongzhi Reign. Feng Guifen’s not only inherited and integrated traditional Chinese map-making techniques, but also made improvement and innovation in order to meet practical needs. It reflects the pursuit and desire of the society for accurate maps, as well as the attempts and attention cast by the contemporaries onto advancing surveying and mapping technology. Underlying is a complex process of collision and fusion of Chinese and Western modes of knowledge, which offers a perspective for the study of the modernization and transformation of modern Chinese cartographic history.

In the early Tang Dynasty, the seat of Lewen County (乐温县) was firstly set up at Linfeng, which located in the hills alongside the lower reaches of the Longxi River. Yong’an’s seat, on the other hand, was at Yangjiao Bao by the mouth of the river. The administrative center of Lewen County was relocated to the riverside street close to the abandoned Yong’an’s seat after the two counties merged in the late Kaiyuan period, and remained until the Jiaqing’s reign in Qing Dynasty. The spatial process reflects a functional transfer from inland to port. The misunderstandings regarding the relocation of the country seat, which was believed to have taken place in early Ming Dynasty, may be attributed to the loss of local memory caused by the tremendous geographic and demographic changes since late Southern Song Dynasty. It would be useful for the study of local toponym as well as the revitalization local culture to clarify the historical facts.

Reinforced levees along the Jiangnan Canal disrupted sediment-water balance of Eastern Taihu Lake during the Ming Dynasty. Intense siltation drove rapid expansion of the lake-field water network. During the early Ming period, lake flows could reach canal levees, by the mid-Ming Dynasty, siltation and lake fields fragmented waters west of the canal in Eastern Taihu Lake. Outflow became channel-dependent, forming three key waterways: Xishui Lu (西水路), Dongshui Lu (东水路), and Jiangcao Lu (江漕路). These changes altered lake-canal dynamics, flow patterns, and water network morphology. The Ming-Qing period saw dominant siltation and lake-field consolidation trend of Eastern Taihu Lake force outflow along field edges—north to Guajing Estuary and south to Tangjia Lake (唐家湖). Consequent northward outflow concentration shifted the Wusong River’s main thalweg from Changqiao River (长桥河) to Guajing Port (瓜泾港), triggering major hydrological changes that worsened siltation and reclamation.

In the late Ming Dynasty, the government began constructing specialized watercourses to drain water from the Huaiyang Canal and the lakes on its western side into the Yangtze River. During the Qing Dynasty, as the main channel of the Huai River shifted southward, investment in water management projects increased significantly. To the east of the Huaiyang Canal and south of Jinjiawan (金家湾), a water transport and drainage hub system gradually emerged, centered around a cluster of watercourses, gates, and dams. This system became known as the ‘Guijiang Water Network’ (water network from the lower reaches of the Huai River to the Yangtze River, 归江水网). During its development, the Guijiang Water Network evolved numerous subsidiary watercourses, Guijiang dams, and overflow channels, which disrupted the navigation environment of the Huaiyang Canal and the Salt Transportation Canal. In response, officials gradually understood the hydrological connections between the Guijiang Water Network and the upstream rivers and lakes, and established the ‘Tenghu System’ (腾湖制度). This system coordinated water storage and discharge between the water network and the upstream areas, while also diverting salt transportation, grain transport, and flood discharge. This fully reflected the ecological governance wisdom of Qing Dynasty water officials in adapting to the southward shift of the Huai River’s main flow and the changes in the water environment.

The Huai River is one of the major rivers in China, and its main course is documented in Volume 30 of Commentary on the Waterways Classic (Shuijing Zhu), the Chapter Describing the Huai River, which holds significant historical value. Although existing studies have frequently referenced the Chapter Describing the Huai River, a systematic discussion of its text remains rare. Given this, there is an urgent need for a multidimensional and in-depth investigation of the Chapter Describing the Huai River, which pertains to the segment from the source of the Huai River to Xinxi (新息) County, from perspectives such as textual collation, exploration of historical sources, geographical verification, and map interpretation. Besides, the focus should be on providing reasonable explanations for key issues such as the source of the Huai River, the changes in the administrative center of Yiyang (义阳) Prefecture, and the reconstruction of Hongxi Pond, and depicting scientifically accurate maps of Chapter Describing the Huai River through a comparative analysis of historical and contemporary data. This will advance the study of Commentary on the Waterways Classic and provide essential academic support for related fields.

Based on Qing dynasty Shilu and historical accounts, as well as reports, photographs and maps from Chinese and foreign expeditions, this paper marks the first successful search in a century for the site of the Qianlong Westernmost Ji Gong Stele, which was located far beyond current borders, by pinpointing it and presenting the results promptly for repetitive examination by academics and society in the ‘Silk Road GIS’, and will also be included in the Qing Dynasty Atlas. This monument stands as an important symbol of the formation of the Qing Dynasty’s territory at its peak.