The tiers of prefectures and counties are important indicators that reflect their political status, population and economic importance. By using historical quantitative analysis and GIS analysis methods, this paper unpacks the spatiotemporal changes of 339 prefectures and 1 607 counties in Tang Dynasty. The results show that: (1) The number of prefecture tier Fu (府), Fu (辅), Xiong (雄) and county tier Chi (赤), Ji (畿), Ci-Chi (次赤) and Ci-Ji (次畿) was relatively stable in Tang Dynasty, while the number of Shang (上), Zhong (中), Xia (下) prefectures and counties changed drastically. In the late Tang Dynasty, the number of upgraded prefectures and counties was more than that of degraded prefectures and counties, with the most significant hierarchical change took place from Kaiyuan (713-741) to Yuanhe (806-820). (2) The spatio-temporal changes of prefectures and counties in Tang Dynasty was “high in the north and low in the south”. Guanzhong Plain was the highest area in the prefecture and county level. The temporal change was “falling in the north and rising in the south”. The Plain of Hubei and Hunan, Poyang Lake Plain and Taihu Plain in the middle and lower reaches of the Yangtze River rose most significantly. (3) The tiers of prefectures and counties in the vicinity of the capital of the Tang Dynasty were most affected by political factors, while the tiers of the frontier fortresses and traffic throats were most affected by military factors. Other prefectures’ and counties’ tiers were mainly affected by economic factors, especially population size. (4) The spatio-temporal changes of the tiers of prefectures and counties in Tang Dynasty reflected the eastward and southward movement of the national political, demographic, urban and economic centers after the An-Shi Rebellion in the middle of the Tang Dynasty.

In the Luoyang Basin during the Han, Wei, Sui, and Tang dynasties, the flow patterns of the Yi, Luo, Chan, and Jian rivers were closely related to their geological setting. The orientations of these rivers are predominantly determined by the underlying geological fault lines of the basin. The orientations of the Yi and Luo rivers are mainly determined by east-west and northeast-oriented fault lines, with the flow path of the Luo River primarily influenced by the Matun-Yanshi fault and the Yi River influenced by the Yiyang-Yanshi fault. Jian and Chan Rivers share simultaneous spatial similarities and transient transformation similarities, both following city site migrations, turning from being sectioned eastward during Han and Wei dynasties to falling back to the natural southward flow during Sui and Tang dynasties. Luo River exhibited a trend of continual northward transformation during Han, Wei, Sui, and Tang dynasties, while Yi River constantly extends eastward and southward. Over historical periods, the Yi and Luo rivers gradually separated north and south, with their confluence point shifting eastward. Unequal north-south subsidence and a northward tilt of the sedimentary center caused Luo River to migrate northward, while a central bulge and ‘two cut first base’complex fault depression caused Yi River to extend eastward and southward.

During the period of the Qing Dynasty and the Republic of China, Suiyuan, which was located in the western part of the Northern Agricultural Pastoral Ecotone, underwent diversified changes in its industrial structure in response to changes in the situation at home and abroad. Diversification became a prominent feature of local economic geography. By the 1930s, it was mainly reflected in the non-local primary industries of agriculture, industry, commerce and transportation, which infiltrated, superimposed and transformed with the local native nomadic economy into a modernity and diversified regional economic system. Before that, it could only be called piecemeal changes, rather than full scale changes. Thereafter, Suiyuan had evolved from a nomadic landscape of cattle and sheep throughout the territory in the early Qing Dynasty, to a new pattern of diversified industries in the late Republic of China, which was characterized by pastoral farming, numerous industrial enterprises, prosperous domestic and foreign trade, and interlaced roads and railways. It had become a common home for Mongolian and Han peoples with a prosperous regional economic and harmonious inter-ethnicity relations.

Analysis on the spatio-temporal changes and types of 229 Paleolithic sites in Northeast China shows that, the early sites were distributed sparsely in the foothills of Qianshan Mountain and the eastern Songnen Plain, with about 57.1% of them located at less than 200 meters above the sea level. The ruins type was predominatly mountain and hillock platform type. In the middle period, the sites were mainly distributed on both banks of rivers and streams in the eastern mountains. About 58.8% of the sites were in the area between 200-400 meters above the sea level, and the type of the sites was mainly river valley terrace type. The distribution of the late sites basically extended to as far as half of the Northeast, especially in the middle and lower reaches of Nenjiang River, the lower reaches of Liaohe River, the foothills of Qianshan Mountain,the lower reaches of Mudan River, the upper reaches of Muling River, Buerhatong River basin, Suifenhe River basin and other regions. About 49.4% of ruins were located in the area between 200-400 meters above the sea level, and the type of ruins was mainly valley terrace type. A few were hillock platform type or mountain hilly type. The spatial distribution of the ruins gradually expanded from the southeast to the northwest and from low altitude to high altitude. This change may be the result of diversified strategies such as improving stone tools technology, maintaining high mobility, changing hunting methods, and strengthening resource utilization so as to adapt to climate and environmental changes.

Administrative divisions, namely Fu, Ting, Zhou and Xian, were established in the west part of Jilin mainly after 1906, based on domestic political reformations on the system of eight-banner garrisons. Large amount of newly established administrative divisions within the short time led to the unusual equivalence between Fu-level and Xian-level divisions. As a result, the boundaries between administrative divisions remained the same as margin zones between regions of eight-banners garrisons before 1907, most of which were referring to mountains or rivers. After that, delimitation and alternation moved boundaries away from existing frontiers. As to provincial boundaries in the western part of Jilin, their continuous changes were related to the development of lands near the boundary, and changes of the land ownership afterwards. By the third year of reign of Xuantong, boundaries between administrative divisions in the western part of Jilin were mainly natural boundaries, complemented with a minority group of man-made objects. However, among the boundaries inside Jilin Province, most of the newly settled ones were formed by the border of settlements.

During the confrontation between the Northern Song and the Liao dynasties, the song army attached great importance to the northern border defense system of Hedong Lu. The defense line runs for more than 400 miles, along which a defense system with Daizhou as the center, and Fanshi and Guxian as the East and West wing respectively, has been formed. It mainly consists of citadels and fortresses and the aim is to deter the southward attacks through the Xiagu road of the Liao army. The fortresses are surrounded by defensive facilities such as square fields, protective forests, stone walls, ditches, and beacon towers. Taken together, they form a defense system integrating the functions of monitoring, reconnaissance, counter-attacking, military information transmission and so on. Horizontally, the distances between fortresses in different regions ranged from eight to seventy miles, with the majority at around thirty. Vertically, they rely on hinterland counties and towns, thus forming a three-tier defense system, which played a key role in the border defense system of the Northern Song Dynasty.

Based on Qing dynasty Shilu and historical accounts, as well as reports, photographs and maps from Chinese and foreign expeditions, this paper marks the first successful search in a century for the site of the Qianlong Westernmost Ji Gong Stele, which was located far beyond current borders, by pinpointing it and presenting the results promptly for repetitive examination by academics and society in the ‘Silk Road GIS’, and will also be included in the Qing Dynasty Atlas. This monument stands as an important symbol of the formation of the Qing Dynasty’s territory at its peak.

There used to be the tide watching custom, locally dubbed as the “August 18th tide birthday”, around the estuaries and tributaries of the Yangtze, Qiantang, Wusong, Loujiang and Huangpu River. The rise or fall of this custom was closely related to the unobstructed or blocked of those rivers. The tide watching custom originated in Qujiang in Guangling (now Yangzhou), and the most famous is the Qiantang tide. Tide watching had become an entertaining folk festival in Tang and Song dynasties. The lore of “tide birthday” appeared and spread among the people in the Jiangnan area after the Yuan Dynasty, and there were sacrificing ceremonies as well. However, the adoration of “Tide God” along the Qiantang River was rarely seen in other places, indicating the different impacts of tide on the local society, and the local adaption of man-land relationship in this area.

The change of Dianshan Lake during the Song and Yuan dynasties are the result of the changes of hydrological environment in the east of the Taihu Lake. During the mid to late Northern Song Dynasty, Dianshan Lake was expanded due to crustal subsidence in the Dianmao (淀泖)region, the siltation of the Wusong River, and the accumulation of water in the pond, and the main flow of Dianshan Lake was discharged into the Wusong River along the northern ponds, forming a unique overflow hydraulic system between the Wusong River, the ponds along the river and Dianshan Lake. During the Southern Song Dynasty, the drainage pattern of Taihu Lake was southeast and northeast, influenced by the continuous siltation of the Wusong River, and the clear water and tidal water were permanently supported by each other in the northeastern waters of Dianshan Lake, resulting in the spread of siltation and the expansion of polder. The backwater of Dianshan Lake, which has been blocked from flowing northward, gradually develops towards the southeast. During the Yuan Dynasty, the main stem of the Wusong River continued to silt up, the amount of water coming into Dianshan Lake continued to increase. However, with the blockage of the outlet of Dianmao in the northeast pond and the construction of the southeast pond, the water was stagnant in the Mao area, including Dianshan Lake, causing a stagnant catchment area and a second expansion of Dianshan Lake.

During the Hongzhi Period, Bai Ang (白昂) dug the Kangji River, a new waterway in the east of Gaoyou Lake through farmland, thus an extensive lake field called ‘circle field’ (圈田) was created between the new river and the lake. It acted as a barrier of the canal to circumvent the dangers posed by the lake’s turbulent floods. In the period of Zhengde and Jiajing, changes in land cultivation along the lakeside and alterations in levy methods led to the disruption of canal infrastructure and organization, which resulted in a worse trend of canal siltation and lake water level rise. From Longqing to Wanli era, the canal embankment repeatedly breached, leading to different views among local elites and river officials regarding whether to retain the Kangji River and the circle fields or not. The former tried to consolidate the field as taxable assets, while the latter emphasized on the importance of the embankment. Finally, Wu Guifang rebuilt the Gaoyou canal and the old embankment. The Kangji River was abandoned. The submerged circle fields also lost their significance. The dynamic interplay between the lakeside fields in Gaoyou and the changes of the water environment, intertwining in the process of the reform of the tax and levy, jointly influenced the canal projects.

The Qing government promulgated the Act of Town-country Self-Government in 1909, which established the “town-country system” as the grass-roots autonomous divisions. Since then, with the disintegration of “Quasi-compound administrative districts pattern” which had been formed since the Qin and Han dynasties, the grass-roots divisions have entered the period of a unified and full-functional “Country-town system”. However, the initial practice of“town-country system” was not fully complied with rigid regulations. In Guangdong Province, where the grass-roots militias were prevalent, most of the grass-roots autonomous divisions followed the “County-district” mode rather than “Urban, town and country” system as defined in the act. The division and allocation of “District”actually originated from the local grass-roots military defense divisions “Tuan”. That is to say, the modern grass-roots autonomous divisions derive from the grass-roots militias corps. To a large extent, with the functions of public security defense, administrative management and quasi-autonomy, the grass-roots militia corps not only met the establishment requirements of the grass-roots autonomous divisions, but also the internal needs of Guangdong’s grass-roots social governance at that time.

The Tang Dynasty Chinese cliff carvings discovered in the Dil mountain of Ulziit in the central Gobi Province of Mongolia indicate that this area was an important node on the grassland transportation line at that time. The route through the desert to capital of the Uyghur Empire, as recorded in the New Book of Tang passed through this area as the ‘Eastern Uyghur Road’, also known as the ‘the road of having an audience with Tengri Khan’. The inscriptions were carved during the rule of restraint period of the Tang Dynasty in the second year of Linde, which confirmed the historical event that Emperor Gaozong of the Tang Dynasty offered sacrifices to heaven and earth in Mount Tai and invited the leaders of Tiele tribes in the Boreal desert to come, which reflected the communications between the Tang Dynasty and the northern nomads and the control of the Tang government over the vassal prefectures in the Boreal desert.

The Qing government achived effective governance of the whole of Guizhou province by altering the native chieftain system into governmental appointed officials, establishing garrisons, county-level administrations and pioneering new frontiers, ending up the situation that all were wild beyond the settled line. This also rendered great changes in the patterns of military geography. The Qing government transformed the linear defense military mode of the Ming dynasty into a more ambitious “two-governor” system: one in Anshun to control the hinderland of Guizhou, and the other in Guiyang to manage the soldiers from the newly subdivided land. Both of the governors could mobilize the troops around the province. In addition, a generalship was set up in Zhenyuan to safeguard the eastern courier route and gain special control of the new land of Songtao, Taigong and Qingjiang. Generals of Weining, Guzhou and Anyi were also set up to manage the northwest, southeast and southwest, respectively. The new governance penetrated into countryside and achieved the goal of controlling the province as a whole.

This paper compiles panel data on prefectural land and labor tax for the years 1717, 1748, 1784, and 1820 based on historical data, and uses geographic information system to analyze its spatially divergent patterns. The spatial panel model is used to explore the role of topographic factors on these characteristics. The results show that: (1) The distribution of land and labor tax is significantly limited by altitude, and the high tax distribution is all located below 600 meters above the sea level. (2) There was a significant positive spatial correlation of land and labor tax. The local Moran index showed an uneven development pattern. High-high clustering mainly in eastern China and low-low clustering mostly in western and southwestern China. The gravity model shows that the formation of a spatially positive autocorrelation pattern of taxes is most influenced by the agglomeration effect of the Yangtze River Delta region, as well as some northern provinces. (3) Spatial panel regression results show that population is positively correlated with land and labor tax, and altitude and slope are negatively correlated with it. (4) The influence of topographic factors on tax amount distribution gradually decreased, while the influence of governance factors gradually increased.

Super typhoons are one of the most severe natural disasters affecting China’s coastal areas. Relying on modern research results of typhoons, this paper uses historical local gazettes, archives, newspapers and other materials to deduct six indicators, including the wind scales, death toll, house damage, crop loss, official and public relief policy, and typhoon impact range, to develop a method for identifying super typhoons in the historical period. It is applied to reconstructing the super typhoon affecting Jiangsu-Zhejiang-Shanghai area from 1640-1949, and the results are in turn statistically tested against the records of super typhoons from 1950-2019. This study shows that this method is robust in identifying the super typhoon events in the historical period. The reconstructed sequence shows that an average of 2.3 super typhoons occurs every 10 years, and there are obvious fluctuations in its frequency, which are different from that of general typhoons.

The Jianghan Plain has long maintained a dominant position in rice-based grain production, and this dominance has persisted continuously into modern times. With the constantly evolving domestic and foreign economic conditions and the growing connection between ports and the hinterland, there has been a gradual increase in the proportion of cotton cultivation. This resulted in a spatial division of labor in crop cultivation. Research on the changes in crop cultivation in the Jianghan Plain reveals that the geographical environment in which small-scale farmers are located influenced their crop selection. While external economic conditions enhanced the competitiveness of specific crops, the location of ports constrained the extent of trade expansion. Finally, the analysis of changes in crop cultivation demonstrates that the economic advantages historically held by Hankou had become a significant factor in the widening gap between inland and coastal areas during the process of modernization.

The Bingbei Dao was an important military institution in the Ming Dynasty. During the Jiajing reign, in response to the transprovincial maneuvers of the “mineral thieves” in eastern Guangdong and the intrusion of Japanese pirates, the Shenwei Dao was set up in Pingyuan County in Southern Jiangxi. Later, Pingyuan County was transferred to Chaozhou-fu in Guangdong province. Accordingly, Shenwei Dao was transferred from “dual control” under the governors of Southern Jiangxi and Guangdong to exclusively under the Governor of Guangdong. As a result, Shenwei Dao’s seat was also moved from Pingyuan County to Huizhou-fu. After the stability of eastern Guangdong Province, Shenwei Dao was abolished in the period of Wanli. The changes of Shenwei Dao’s command, responsibility, jurisdiction, and residence was a typical case of Bingbei Daos in the middle to the late Ming Dynasty. The abolition and division adjustment of the Shenwei Dao also reflected the changes of the complex military situation in Lingdong region of Guangdong Province in the same period.

In the early Tang Dynasty, the seat of Lewen County (乐温县) was firstly set up at Linfeng, which located in the hills alongside the lower reaches of the Longxi River. Yong’an’s seat, on the other hand, was at Yangjiao Bao by the mouth of the river. The administrative center of Lewen County was relocated to the riverside street close to the abandoned Yong’an’s seat after the two counties merged in the late Kaiyuan period, and remained until the Jiaqing’s reign in Qing Dynasty. The spatial process reflects a functional transfer from inland to port. The misunderstandings regarding the relocation of the country seat, which was believed to have taken place in early Ming Dynasty, may be attributed to the loss of local memory caused by the tremendous geographic and demographic changes since late Southern Song Dynasty. It would be useful for the study of local toponym as well as the revitalization local culture to clarify the historical facts.

Feng Guifen, a thinker in the late Qing Dynasty, once designed a set of surveying and mapping methods in his masterpiece Protest from the Jiaobin Studio. It is based on the square grid style and centered on field surveying, and contains angle, distance and topographic surveying and mapping. It was effectively practiced in the field surveying work of Chuansha Ting and was also partially applied to the later surveying work of the Map of Jiangsu Province during the Tongzhi Reign. Feng Guifen’s not only inherited and integrated traditional Chinese map-making techniques, but also made improvement and innovation in order to meet practical needs. It reflects the pursuit and desire of the society for accurate maps, as well as the attempts and attention cast by the contemporaries onto advancing surveying and mapping technology. Underlying is a complex process of collision and fusion of Chinese and Western modes of knowledge, which offers a perspective for the study of the modernization and transformation of modern Chinese cartographic history.

After the principle of setting taxes based on the original amount of Wanli was determined in the early Qing Dynasty, a large number of wasteland figures were formed through “removing wasteland and collecting reclaimed land”(Ti Huang Zheng Shu). Through the investigation of Shanxi Province in the early Qing Dynasty, it can be seen that the number of wasteland mainly refers to the excluded wasteland in the original land amount. In the process of wasteland classification and successive census, the numbers showed characteristics of delay, stratification and systematic missing. Under the influence of the policy of exemption, on the one hand, it included some uncultivated or wasteland difficult to cultivate formed in the middle and late Ming Dynasty, on the other hand, it did not include a large number of easily reclaimed wasteland formed in the late Ming Dynasty and early Qing Dynasty. In the reclamation process in early Qing Dynasty, these wasteland number became an important basis for the rulers to judge the reclamation situation and the starting point of reclamation. Therefore, although the situation of reclamation in Shanxi was not good before Yongzheng’s era, the actual reclamation process of wasteland started earlier, was larger in scale and completed faster than that was reflected in the reclamation figures, and it’s different in terms of spatial process.

传统观点以为,汉初豫章郡属淮南国,在今赣南。仔细梳理西汉文献所记汉初史事,豫章郡应属吴国,在今皖南。豫章郡因治于故鄣县,又名“故鄣郡”。魏晋时期,讹“故鄣郡”为“鄣郡”。汉初豫章郡先后属楚王韩信、荆王刘贾、吴王刘濞。《史记》所记淮南王英布、长沙王吴芮领有豫章郡乃“虚封”。景帝三年,汉廷将豫章郡一分为二,北部并入江都国;南部与庐江郡合并,改称“庐江豫章郡”。传世汉代封泥“庐江豫守”,即“庐江豫章郡守”,而非以往认为的庐江国豫章郡守。景、武之际,江淮之间另立庐江郡,汉廷更庐江豫章郡为豫章郡。元封二年,武帝从豫章郡中分置丹阳郡,豫章郡从此仅辖赣江流域,遂有《汉书·地理志》之规模。

《汉书·地理志》记录了百余条水道里程,这些里程数字是实际测量的结果,统计精确度较高。受测量条件限制,汉代测量水道里程需要依托航道、堤岸、河谷等交通道路进行,《汉志》中记录的里程数字是水道作为交通通道的河段里程,并不是水道完整的流程。利用《汉志》水道里程的统计结果,可以构建出汉代以江、河、淮、郁等大河为主干彼此连通、延展的水道交通网络。通过定量研究,可揭示汉代水道交通能力南方优于北方的基本特征,以及河水水系、淮济水系、江水水系、郁水水系不同的水道交通模式。