传统观点以为,汉初豫章郡属淮南国,在今赣南。仔细梳理西汉文献所记汉初史事,豫章郡应属吴国,在今皖南。豫章郡因治于故鄣县,又名“故鄣郡”。魏晋时期,讹“故鄣郡”为“鄣郡”。汉初豫章郡先后属楚王韩信、荆王刘贾、吴王刘濞。《史记》所记淮南王英布、长沙王吴芮领有豫章郡乃“虚封”。景帝三年,汉廷将豫章郡一分为二,北部并入江都国;南部与庐江郡合并,改称“庐江豫章郡”。传世汉代封泥“庐江豫守”,即“庐江豫章郡守”,而非以往认为的庐江国豫章郡守。景、武之际,江淮之间另立庐江郡,汉廷更庐江豫章郡为豫章郡。元封二年,武帝从豫章郡中分置丹阳郡,豫章郡从此仅辖赣江流域,遂有《汉书·地理志》之规模。

In the Luoyang Basin during the Han, Wei, Sui, and Tang dynasties, the flow patterns of the Yi, Luo, Chan, and Jian rivers were closely related to their geological setting. The orientations of these rivers are predominantly determined by the underlying geological fault lines of the basin. The orientations of the Yi and Luo rivers are mainly determined by east-west and northeast-oriented fault lines, with the flow path of the Luo River primarily influenced by the Matun-Yanshi fault and the Yi River influenced by the Yiyang-Yanshi fault. Jian and Chan Rivers share simultaneous spatial similarities and transient transformation similarities, both following city site migrations, turning from being sectioned eastward during Han and Wei dynasties to falling back to the natural southward flow during Sui and Tang dynasties. Luo River exhibited a trend of continual northward transformation during Han, Wei, Sui, and Tang dynasties, while Yi River constantly extends eastward and southward. Over historical periods, the Yi and Luo rivers gradually separated north and south, with their confluence point shifting eastward. Unequal north-south subsidence and a northward tilt of the sedimentary center caused Luo River to migrate northward, while a central bulge and ‘two cut first base’complex fault depression caused Yi River to extend eastward and southward.

Based on Qing dynasty Shilu and historical accounts, as well as reports, photographs and maps from Chinese and foreign expeditions, this paper marks the first successful search in a century for the site of the Qianlong Westernmost Ji Gong Stele, which was located far beyond current borders, by pinpointing it and presenting the results promptly for repetitive examination by academics and society in the ‘Silk Road GIS’, and will also be included in the Qing Dynasty Atlas. This monument stands as an important symbol of the formation of the Qing Dynasty’s territory at its peak.

The Army Map Service (AMS) was a professional military mapping agency established by the U.S. military during World War II. The 1:250 000 China topographic map is a medium-scale topographic map series compiled by the AMS in the 1950s. This set of maps primarily reflects the geographical situation of China from the end of the Comprehensive Anti-Japanese War to the period just before 1949. The accuracy of the topographic maps is contingent upon whether the U.S. military conducted actual surveys in the area and the quality of the data sources. The data sources primarily consist of American, Japanese, and Chinese maps, as well as aerial photography, making them the most accurate medium-scale topographic maps reflecting modern standards at the time. The versioning and compilation cycles of the topographic maps are tied to the operational needs of the U.S. military, with faster updating and publication speeds for maps near theaters of war. Overall, this map series represents an organic integration of numerous modern cartographic achievements and stands as the most accurate medium-scale topographic map reflecting contemporary surface features. Furthermore, the standardized processing of these maps also offers new opportunities for cross-regional historical geography research.

The Tang Dynasty Chinese cliff carvings discovered in the Dil mountain of Ulziit in the central Gobi Province of Mongolia indicate that this area was an important node on the grassland transportation line at that time. The route through the desert to capital of the Uyghur Empire, as recorded in the New Book of Tang passed through this area as the ‘Eastern Uyghur Road’, also known as the ‘the road of having an audience with Tengri Khan’. The inscriptions were carved during the rule of restraint period of the Tang Dynasty in the second year of Linde, which confirmed the historical event that Emperor Gaozong of the Tang Dynasty offered sacrifices to heaven and earth in Mount Tai and invited the leaders of Tiele tribes in the Boreal desert to come, which reflected the communications between the Tang Dynasty and the northern nomads and the control of the Tang government over the vassal prefectures in the Boreal desert.

The delimitation of sea defense zones forms the basis of the spatial deployment of sea defense. During the Ming and Qing dynasties, the military defense area boundaries of the Zhoushan Islands were divided into three main levels: the boundaries of the Wei(卫) and Zhen(镇), the boundaries of the inland and outer seas, and the boundaries of the Suo(所) and Ying(营). The northern boundary of the Wei or Zhen corresponded with the provincial boundary, which was delineated by Chenqian(陈钱)to Bixia(壁下) in Ming Dynasty and by Yang Mountain(羊山) to Maji(马迹) in Qing Dynasty. The southern boundary was marked by Nantian(南田), Jiantiao(健跳), and Niutou Mountain(牛头山) in Ming Dynasty, and by the Tianhou Palace(天后宫) at the southern end of Shipu Town(石浦镇) in Qing Dynasty. The western boundary, which extended far inland during the Ming Dynasty, was divided along the coast of Zhenhai(镇海) and Xiangshan(象山) in Qing Dynasty. The boundaries between the inland and outer seas were indicated by a line that included Wuyu Mountain(五屿山), Liangtou Cave(两头洞), Changtu(长涂), Luojia Mountain(洛泇山), Taohua Mountain(桃花山), Jiancang(尖仓), Jiushan(韭山), and Tantou(檀头). There were distinct boundaries between the five garrisons of the Ming Dynasty and the five green standard armies of the Qing Dynasty. These defense boundaries often crossed district political boundaries but never crossed prefectural or provincial boundaries. The boundaries of the inland and outer seas, as well as those of the garrisons and the Suo and Ying, were determined based on defense tasks and the natural maritime environment.

Putianze (圃田泽), an ancient lake in the Yellow River Basin, serves as an ideal subject for exploring the evolutionary patterns of lakes and swamps on the alluvial plains of the Yellow River’s lower reaches. Based on the historical geographical reconstruction methods, this study delineates the process of Putianze’s silting and disappearance during the Ming and Qing dynasties and analyzes the driving factors behind the background. According to the study, it reveals that the rapid disappearance of Putianze was the result of the long-term cumulative effects of sediment deposition and lake water drainage. This process is characterized by ‘lake silting and human encroachment’, ultimately leading to its transformation into land between the Qianlong and Tongzhi reigns of Qing Dynasty. The direct cause of Putianze’s disappearance was sediment deposition following Yellow River breaches, while long-term human intervention accelerated this process.

During the Hongzhi Period, Bai Ang (白昂) dug the Kangji River, a new waterway in the east of Gaoyou Lake through farmland, thus an extensive lake field called ‘circle field’ (圈田) was created between the new river and the lake. It acted as a barrier of the canal to circumvent the dangers posed by the lake’s turbulent floods. In the period of Zhengde and Jiajing, changes in land cultivation along the lakeside and alterations in levy methods led to the disruption of canal infrastructure and organization, which resulted in a worse trend of canal siltation and lake water level rise. From Longqing to Wanli era, the canal embankment repeatedly breached, leading to different views among local elites and river officials regarding whether to retain the Kangji River and the circle fields or not. The former tried to consolidate the field as taxable assets, while the latter emphasized on the importance of the embankment. Finally, Wu Guifang rebuilt the Gaoyou canal and the old embankment. The Kangji River was abandoned. The submerged circle fields also lost their significance. The dynamic interplay between the lakeside fields in Gaoyou and the changes of the water environment, intertwining in the process of the reform of the tax and levy, jointly influenced the canal projects.

Following the establishment of Japan’s so-called ‘Special Rights and Interests in Manchuria and Mongolia’ in 1912, Japan began to expand its influence in the northern region of Northeast China, primarily through the construction of railway networks. Prior to the Mukden Incident in 1931, Japan had already fragmented the western hinterland of the Trans-Manchurian Railway by leveraging Chinese railways that had become feeder lines for the South Manchuria Railway, a result of previous Japanese financial assistance to China. After the afore-mentioned incident, Japan constructed the Jilin-Hoeryong Railway to Northern Korean Ports System, which further segmented the hinterlands of the eastern and southern lines of the Trans-Manchurian Railway. The northward expansion of the Japanese-controlled railway system, together with the ensuing competition it triggered with Russia and then the Soviet Union in the northern hinterlands of Northeast China, was a significant factor in the evolution of the economic patterns of the region and the entire Northeast Asia in modern times. This expansion and competition greatly shaped the geography of regional transportation and economy, and to a large extent, altered the developmental trajectory of the political and economic landscape of Northeast Asia.

The road from Yizhou(伊州) to Xizhou(西州) in Tang Dynasty underwent a transformation process from south to north. In the early Tang Dynasty, the water environment of Shaer Lake, situated at the heart of the Hami Basin, was particularly favorable. Consequently, people of the Tang Dynasty incorrectly identified Shaer Lake as either Puchang(蒲昌) Lake or Pulei(蒲类) Lake. There was a Yiwu(伊吾) Road passing through the water area of Shaer Lake in the early Tang Dynasty, which was distinct from the later Chiting(赤亭) Road, also known as the Yixi(伊西) Road, and the Xinka (新开) Road, or Yixi North Road. The Yiwu Road was a segment of Xuanzang??s(玄奘) Journey to the West, and the Jiaohedao(交河道) Army expanded upon it by developing the Liuzhong(柳中) Road. Following the establishment of Xizhou, the Tang Dynasty utilized Gaochang(高昌) City as the military and political hub to oversee Pulei Lake, progressively developing the road from Puchang County to Luohu(罗护) in Xizhou. After 702, when Beiting(北庭) became the military and political center of the eastern Tianshan Mountains, direct military and administrative communications between the central government and Beiting increased in frequency, leading to the development of a postal road from Nazhi(纳职) County to Luohu in Yizhou. The roads from Puchang County to Luohu and from Nazhi County to Luohu were linked, ultimately forming the postal route from Yizhou to Xizhou.

In the early Qing Dynasty, the official strategy for managing the Yellow and Huai River floods largely adhered to the Ming Dynasty’s water management philosophy, prioritizing ‘restraint’ over ‘dredging’. During Emperor Kangxi’s reign, the policy of ‘opening the sea outlets’ was effectively implemented with imperial intervention, fundamentally aimed at achieving ‘diversion to the sea’ by deepening the drainage channels and expanding the sea outlets along the coastal counties of the Xiahe Area. As the water conditions of the Yellow River, Huai River, the Grand Canal, and Hongze Lake evolved, the deepening of river channels alone could no longer effectively direct waters from the central lowlands to the coastal accumulation zones, resulting in frequent overflows and disasters. Therefore, during Emperor Qianlong’s reign, embankments were constructed along the sides of the returning-to-sea rivers to confine the waters. Concurrently, the construction of polder fields began, linking with river embankments to establish a polder system in the coastal counties of the Xiahe Area. Influenced by the eastward flow of water and the impact of the ocean, the water environment and the construction of embankments in these coastal counties exhibited characteristics of complex and dynamic changes.

《汉书·地理志》记录了百余条水道里程,这些里程数字是实际测量的结果,统计精确度较高。受测量条件限制,汉代测量水道里程需要依托航道、堤岸、河谷等交通道路进行,《汉志》中记录的里程数字是水道作为交通通道的河段里程,并不是水道完整的流程。利用《汉志》水道里程的统计结果,可以构建出汉代以江、河、淮、郁等大河为主干彼此连通、延展的水道交通网络。通过定量研究,可揭示汉代水道交通能力南方优于北方的基本特征,以及河水水系、淮济水系、江水水系、郁水水系不同的水道交通模式。

The Huai River is one of the major rivers in China, and its main course is documented in Volume 30 of Commentary on the Waterways Classic (Shuijing Zhu), the Chapter Describing the Huai River, which holds significant historical value. Although existing studies have frequently referenced the Chapter Describing the Huai River, a systematic discussion of its text remains rare. Given this, there is an urgent need for a multidimensional and in-depth investigation of the Chapter Describing the Huai River, which pertains to the segment from the source of the Huai River to Xinxi (新息) County, from perspectives such as textual collation, exploration of historical sources, geographical verification, and map interpretation. Besides, the focus should be on providing reasonable explanations for key issues such as the source of the Huai River, the changes in the administrative center of Yiyang (义阳) Prefecture, and the reconstruction of Hongxi Pond, and depicting scientifically accurate maps of Chapter Describing the Huai River through a comparative analysis of historical and contemporary data. This will advance the study of Commentary on the Waterways Classic and provide essential academic support for related fields.

《敬止录》收一摹写本宋代城市水域地图,名《庆元府城内大小二湖丈尺图》。南宋嘉定十三年八月,庆元府城(属今浙江宁波)南部遭遇严重火灾,日、月二湖虽为城市水库,湖域却因沿岸大族宅邸的占据而日益缩小,知府俞建于火灾次年组织绘制该图,目的在于界定城市水域,以保障居民生活与防火用水。地图详绘了嘉定间庆元府籍朝廷政要聚居的二湖及其周边街区,展现了湖域在四明大族庄园扩张的背景下再度萎缩的景象。该图与《宝庆四明志》所附《罗城》图同为描绘火灾后庆元府城景象的地图,极具史料价值。

The Jianghan Plain has long maintained a dominant position in rice-based grain production, and this dominance has persisted continuously into modern times. With the constantly evolving domestic and foreign economic conditions and the growing connection between ports and the hinterland, there has been a gradual increase in the proportion of cotton cultivation. This resulted in a spatial division of labor in crop cultivation. Research on the changes in crop cultivation in the Jianghan Plain reveals that the geographical environment in which small-scale farmers are located influenced their crop selection. While external economic conditions enhanced the competitiveness of specific crops, the location of ports constrained the extent of trade expansion. Finally, the analysis of changes in crop cultivation demonstrates that the economic advantages historically held by Hankou had become a significant factor in the widening gap between inland and coastal areas during the process of modernization.

The Yongshun Tusi (永顺土司) in Huguang (湖广) region was firstly established during the Yuan Dynasty and was subsequently granted titles such as Anfusi (Pacification Commissioner), Xuanfusi (Consolation Commissioner), and Xuanweishisi (Consolation and Pacification Commissioner). It was eventually replaced by the bureaucratization of native officers during the Yongzheng reign of the Qing Dynasty. Historically, this was one of the principal Tusi in the Huguang region, and then was successively subordinate to the Sichuan Provincial Administration, the Huguang Provincial Administration, and the Huguang Military Commission. It governed multiple Zhangguansi (native offices) and Tuzhou (native prefectures). The changes in its rank, office location, and jurisdiction reflect the ebb and flow of its power. This paper takes Yongshun Tusi as the research object. Utilizing a variety of sources, including archives, historical records, official histories, local chronicles, genealogies, ancient maps, inscriptions, archaeological reports, and other materials, it clarifies the geographical evolution of Yongshun Tusi, as well as its administrative subordination, location, and jurisdiction, and provides a detailed and in-depth portrayal of its historical evolution.

The development of modern China’s mechanized flour milling industry can be broadly divided into four stages, yet the development across different regions was highly uneven. The establishment and location selection of typical factories reveal that the site choices for mechanized flour milling were the result of a combination of natural resource endowment, regional economic and cultural environments, and the personal concepts of entrepreneurs. Unlike Western flour industries, which were largely influenced by natural factors, the location selection of modern China’s mechanized flour milling industry was more significantly affected by regional economic factors such as transportation, capital, and sales markets. The locational evolution of the national capital mechanized flour milling industry in modern China conforms to the ‘port-hinterland’ model, with industrial development levels exhibiting a gradient decrease from the coastal areas to the inland regions.

The site of Chengdu during the Qin to the Northern and Southern dynasties was located on the second terrace of the Min River (岷江) system. The scarcity of construction soil and the floods of the Pi River (郫江) were the main reasons for the formation of the ‘Tortoise City’ layout of Chengdu’s Qin city, which consisted of two cities, the larger and the smaller, arranged side by side to the east and west. The orientation of the Qin city and its internal structures followed the natural terrain, with a deliberate inclination of about 30 degrees north-east to facilitate drainage and flood control. By combining archaeological and documentary evidence, the approximate positions of the gates, walls, and central partitions of Chengdu’s Qin city can be reconstructed. The western wall of Chengdu’s Qin city was a considerable distance from the Pi River, while the southern wall was closer. The historical records mentioning 18 gates and a circumference of twelve li are considered accurate.

After the principle of setting taxes based on the original amount of Wanli was determined in the early Qing Dynasty, a large number of wasteland figures were formed through “removing wasteland and collecting reclaimed land”(Ti Huang Zheng Shu). Through the investigation of Shanxi Province in the early Qing Dynasty, it can be seen that the number of wasteland mainly refers to the excluded wasteland in the original land amount. In the process of wasteland classification and successive census, the numbers showed characteristics of delay, stratification and systematic missing. Under the influence of the policy of exemption, on the one hand, it included some uncultivated or wasteland difficult to cultivate formed in the middle and late Ming Dynasty, on the other hand, it did not include a large number of easily reclaimed wasteland formed in the late Ming Dynasty and early Qing Dynasty. In the reclamation process in early Qing Dynasty, these wasteland number became an important basis for the rulers to judge the reclamation situation and the starting point of reclamation. Therefore, although the situation of reclamation in Shanxi was not good before Yongzheng’s era, the actual reclamation process of wasteland started earlier, was larger in scale and completed faster than that was reflected in the reclamation figures, and it’s different in terms of spatial process.

A key Kangxi-era reform in Yunnan’s local governance incorporated military garrisons (卫所) into adjacent civil administrations, consolidating dispersed garrison taxes and military household registrations. This process was complicated when the rebel Daxi Army (led by Zhang Xianzhong) and Wu Sangui successively established military and princely estates through land confiscations during the Ming-Qing transition, blurring military-civilian land distinctions and social identities. These actions created institutional loopholes enabling military households—whose tax obligations and registrations spanned multiple jurisdictions—to merge into civilian registries. The ensuing ‘Tonghai-Hexi Border Dispute’ (“通河分疆”) exemplifies these tensions: a county-level conflict over corvée obligations from Seven Longhuo military colonies (龙火七营). This case illuminates Qing efforts to unify household registrations and land taxes during garrison-county integration, fundamentally rooted in disparate corvée burdens that critically shaped military-civil administration reforms.

The study of historical settlement geography has long neglected the type of settlement space. By adopting the type of settlement space as a research perspective and considering both form and pattern, this study reveals that the Guoyu Village in the Qinhe River Basin experienced three distinct stages: the pioneering period characterized by ‘living in the west and plotting in the east’ from the Hongwu to Wanli period of Ming Dynasty, the extension period marked by ‘three opposing fortresses’ from the Tianqi period of Ming Dynasty to the Yongzheng period of Qing Dynasty, and the filling period of ‘settlement around the fortress’ from the middle and late Qing Dynasty to the Republic of China. The spatial types of Guoyu village exhibit characteristics of diversity and complexity. Stability factors such as natural environment and cultural environment, and sudden factors like policy and warfare played decisive roles in the evolution of Guoyu Village’s settlement spaces. Through a comprehensive analysis of space type, form and pattern as well as the dual application of the spatial model of ‘plane space + three-dimensional space’, this study significantly enriches the research of historical settlement spaces.

The transformation of Zhapu (乍浦), a town in Jiaxing, Zhejiang Province, into a prominent foreign trade port in the northern part of Hangzhou Bay during the mid-to-late 18th century was not a mere accident. It was the result of a combination of factors, including its geographical location, transportation network, and policy orientation. The ‘trade network’ discussed in this article focuses on the circulation of goods within and between regions, covering various aspects such as regional transportation, market systems, and merchant groups. The merchants trading at Zhapu built a flexible and diverse trade network based on the procurement of foreign copper and the vast maritime area. Zhapu Port’s trade network symbolizes the East Asian economic order, embodying an integrated network that merges ‘tributary trade’ with ‘market system’.

民国时期,北洋政府及国民政府曾在全国范围组织测绘大比例尺地形图。对数千幅民国地图扫描归档、空间配准并与今天电子地图叠加实现古今对照,虽然繁重但意义重大。基于OpenCV与ArcPy方法库,发展一套针对民国地形图集的自动配准方法,保证精度的同时极大减少了人工,《汉珍数位地图集》配准的过程可资验证。最后,以《中国大陆五万分之一地图集成》为案例进行地图覆盖范围比较分析,以支撑其史料价值发挥与后续研究。

In the late Ming Dynasty, the government began constructing specialized watercourses to drain water from the Huaiyang Canal and the lakes on its western side into the Yangtze River. During the Qing Dynasty, as the main channel of the Huai River shifted southward, investment in water management projects increased significantly. To the east of the Huaiyang Canal and south of Jinjiawan (金家湾), a water transport and drainage hub system gradually emerged, centered around a cluster of watercourses, gates, and dams. This system became known as the ‘Guijiang Water Network’ (water network from the lower reaches of the Huai River to the Yangtze River, 归江水网). During its development, the Guijiang Water Network evolved numerous subsidiary watercourses, Guijiang dams, and overflow channels, which disrupted the navigation environment of the Huaiyang Canal and the Salt Transportation Canal. In response, officials gradually understood the hydrological connections between the Guijiang Water Network and the upstream rivers and lakes, and established the ‘Tenghu System’ (腾湖制度). This system coordinated water storage and discharge between the water network and the upstream areas, while also diverting salt transportation, grain transport, and flood discharge. This fully reflected the ecological governance wisdom of Qing Dynasty water officials in adapting to the southward shift of the Huai River’s main flow and the changes in the water environment.

Based on classical documents and unearthed materials such as bamboo slips and sealing clays, this paper investigates the period and jurisdiction of prefectures set up by Qin in the Zhao area east of Taihang Mountain, and traces the evolution of these prefectures. From King Zhaoxiang’s reign to the beginning of King Zheng’s, Qin occupied Hejian area and then made it the fief of Lü Buwei’s downfall. Following Lü Buwei’s death, Qin established Hejian Prefecture. After conquering Zhao, Qin established three additional prefectures: Qinghe, Hengshan, and Handan. These four prefectures persisted until the early Han Dynasty. Qin never set up Julu Prefecture.

The size of Hangzhou’s urban population on the eve of the Taiping Rebellion has long preoccupied scholars of Ming-Qing economic history. Earlier figures, derived from fragmentary and ambiguous Qing sources, are clearly flawed. Fixing the reference year at 1850, this paper adopts a retrospective method: it tracks changes in the numbers of temples and shops from the mid-Qing to c. 1930 and then links the municipal census data collected by the Hangzhou city government after 1927 back to 1850. The result is an estimated urban population of c. 260 000 for Hangzhou in 1850. The retrospective approach may offer a workable way to reconstruct the pre-Taiping urban populations of other Jiangnan cities.

The opening of treaty ports profoundly influences local transportation, commerce, and social change. While existing research often concentrates on ports with significant modernization achievements, there is a dearth of studies exploring the constraints faced by ‘unsatisfactory’ ports in their challenging modernization processes. Longzhou (龙州), located in Guangxi Province and adjacent to northern Vietnam, is situated in a rugged mountainous area at the upper reaches of the Zuojiang (左江), characterized by its treacherous waters and numerous shoals. This study examines the opening of Longzhou and the evolution of transportation geography along the Guangxi-Vietnam border. By analyzing the development of railway, waterway, and highway construction plans and the changes in their leadership, it concludes that geographical positioning was both the catalyst for Longzhou’s opening at certain historical moments and a fundamental, long-term obstacle to improving transportation infrastructure. As a result, Longzhou repeatedly encountered setbacks in trade route competition, reflecting the substantial historical inertia of the natural geographical environment and the intricate power struggles among various forces in the Guangxi-Vietnam border region under fluctuating political circumstances.

Feng Guifen, a thinker in the late Qing Dynasty, once designed a set of surveying and mapping methods in his masterpiece Protest from the Jiaobin Studio. It is based on the square grid style and centered on field surveying, and contains angle, distance and topographic surveying and mapping. It was effectively practiced in the field surveying work of Chuansha Ting and was also partially applied to the later surveying work of the Map of Jiangsu Province during the Tongzhi Reign. Feng Guifen’s not only inherited and integrated traditional Chinese map-making techniques, but also made improvement and innovation in order to meet practical needs. It reflects the pursuit and desire of the society for accurate maps, as well as the attempts and attention cast by the contemporaries onto advancing surveying and mapping technology. Underlying is a complex process of collision and fusion of Chinese and Western modes of knowledge, which offers a perspective for the study of the modernization and transformation of modern Chinese cartographic history.